'You're fired': When comfortable Americans will finally say 'enough is enough' to Trump
The reason the famous and prolific Harvard economist, John Kenneth Galbraith, is often referred to as a political economist can be seen in the continuing relevance of his book The Culture of Contentment (1992). His thesis explains in significant part why President Donald Trump’s wrecking of America has not more significantly collapsed his support, now below 39% approval.
In the US, the contented classes hail from both parties. They are not a majority of the population by any means, given that half of all Americans are “poor” or “near poor.” They are a majority of the politically and economically influential people who support policies that maintain their comfort at the expense of the necessities of the “functional underclass” left behind in poverty. The contented classes include the super rich, of course, but also the managerial, professional, and wealthier working classes.
In addition, they vote at a higher percentage than the poor.
Before Trump, this contented class, which includes members of Congress, was doing well, so much so that they stood in the way of increasing the federal minimum wage, frozen at $7.25 per hour, or increasing Social Security benefits, frozen for over 40 years. These changes could have been paid for by hiking Social Security taxes on, you guessed it, the contented classes. Despite public opinion polls favoring expanding the social safety net, the contented class wants the status quo of no paid sick leave, no paid family or maternal leave, no subsidized childcare, and no universal paid vacations. Western European countries all have a more robust social safety net than the US.
When you crank in the damage done by Trump and his Trumpsters in Washington, DC, members of the contented classes are largely unaffected. The costs of universally damaging programs cutting preparedness for climate violence, pandemics, huge expansions in the police state against immigrants, and the military-industrial complex are not felt where the contented classes live, work, and raise their families.
Trump’s tyrannies and treacheries; his open flouting of the laws (the establishment likes such flouting to be discreet); and his revolting, foul-mouthed defamations tower over Richard Nixon’s transgressions.
We can make a list of the terrible closedowns or strip-mining of federal agencies’ law enforcement and regulatory initiatives. Very few exclusively impact the contented classes. Some may actually benefit.
Other Trump moves, many of them illegal and unauthorized by Congress, delight these people. They support lower taxes on upper-income people and businesses, large or small. The Internal Revenue Service is now going further with its unauthorized dilutions of the 15% minimum tax on corporate profits. The rising stock market adds to the complacency of the contented classes.
The most cruel and vicious actions by Trump—abolishing the US Agency for International Development, medical, water, food assistance to desperate millions abroad—cuts to Meals on Wheels, Head Start, Medicaid, Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) impact the masses—tens of millions of them directly and daily. They do not reach the contented class members of our population.
This is not to say that millions of these contented persons do not care what is happening to their fellow citizens. But normative caring is not viscerally feeling the pain and suffering, the anxiety, dread, and fear of losing healthcare coverage; tomorrow’s meal; the brunt of chronic indebtedness; or abandoning the disabled, the sick, and the casualties of the workplace.
Galbraith wrote that living in their contented culture leads to short-term thinking, underinvestment in public goods, and ignoring the widening inequality between the “haves” and the “have-nots.” Inequality also stems from making money from money—a source of wealth denied to people living paycheck to paycheck.
The capture of the Democratic Party by this complacent class has become so pronounced that the blue-collar working-class members have broken away from their unions and parents or grandparents’ devotion to the FDR-like New Deal politics and fallen prey to the rhetorical seduction of the corporatist GOP.
What could Trump do to alienate large portions of this contented class, which Galbraith argues has been the only force that can disrupt the status quo? When will these contented ones collectively start saying, “Enough is enough” and it’s time to say to Donald Trump, “You’re Fired”?
When the following come together—serious recession, serious inflation, with destabilizing (to their businesses) tariff-driven surging prices; a reckless foreign war quagmire; plunging stock markets; daily spreading chaos; and the media-exposed sickening stench of raw corruption flowing from the White House throughout the upper realms of the executive branch—the contented classes should join the resistance to the Trump madness.
Back in 1974, the Republican establishment decided it was time for Richard Nixon to go, despite his having won reelection in 49 of 50 states in 1972, with a 60% approval in the polls. He was not considered “useful” to the power brokers anymore.
Trump’s tyrannies and treacheries; his open flouting of the laws (the establishment likes such flouting to be discreet); and his revolting, foul-mouthed defamations tower over Richard Nixon’s transgressions.
History instructs that latent revulsions and fears by the power elites are often launched onto the public stage by some specific outrage, decadence, or bullying. Stay tuned. With Dictator Donald (he regularly intones, “This is only the beginning”), THE WORST IS YET TO COME.
- Revealed: Trump letter to UCLA littered with grammatical and factual errors ›
- Busted: Trump official revealed rampant corruption before the president fired him ›
- You're overlooking something very important about Trump if you think Hegseth is finished ›

Ralph Nader: The rule of law overwhelmed by 'unbridled political power of corporatism and other lawless forces'
Norms, in a society or culture, are the accepted ways of behavior we grow up observing and learning in our everyday lives. Norms are rarely backed up by laws, though when norms are grossly violated, calls for legislation may ensue.
In our country, voluntarily recognized fundamental norms have been breaking down. The chief impetus for this collapse is the ascending supremacy of commercial power over civic values. The surrender of the latter to the former in sector after sector has spelled the decline of our country as measured by its own promise and pretensions. Compared to seventy years ago, there are almost no commercial-free zones anymore. Almost everything is for sale—or should be in the minds of dogmatic free market fundamentalists and its apologists like Milton Friedman and his disciples.
Let's be specific. When I was a schoolboy in the nineteen forties, the top CEOs of the Fortune 300 largest companies kept their pay at about 12 times the salary of the average worker in their business. If any CEO had sought to increase that ratio to 50 or 300 times, he would be roundly condemned from the pulpits to the boards of directors, to civic and charitable groups. In those days, CEOs also did not want to arouse the anger of their industrial labor unions or encourage workers to demand more pay in response.
Now CEOs of major companies pay themselves, via a rubber stamp board of directors, 300 or more times the average worker's salary. Some are more extreme, such as Apple's CEO Tim Cook, whose pay package this year comes down to $833 a MINUTE on a 40-hour week. Hardly a squeak of objection is heard from anyone. Hey, you didn't know? Grab whatever you can get is the mantra of greedy CEOs. Absent any laws on maximum income, scratch one norm for tossing modest pay equity out the window (See, The Case for a Maximum Wage by Sam Pizzigati, 2018).
By contrast, it used to be an unchallenged norm to pay women less for doing the same work as men. No more. In 1963 the Federal Equal Pay Act made it illegal to pay women lower wages than men.
It used to be against strict social norms for companies to sell directly to children, bypassing their parents to exploit youngsters' vulnerabilities. For one, little kids cannot distinguish between ads and programming. Now commercial marketing directly to children—junk food and drink, toxic medicines and cosmetics, harmful toys, violent entertainment videos, and more—is a business approaching a half trillion dollars a year. The iPhone doubles down as a gateway to this electronic child molestation.
The blasphemy of yesterday has become commonplace today.
Gambling used to evoke strong moral condemnation, thereby driving it underground to the back of newsstand stores, often called the "numbers racket." Now gambling is at your fingertips via your computer. State governments run lotteries. Business is moving big time into sports gambling. Casinos are everywhere.
The norms against gambling were promoted by organized religion. When the churches started allowing big bingo in their basements, the defenses against above-ground, organized gambling (apart from Las Vegas) began to crumble. The gambling boosters claimed it would produce tax revenue and help the elderly. This deception was part of the pitch by the builders of the first casinos in Atlantic City, NJ. Now gambling casinos are described as economic development engines, however fraudulent that assertion is seen by economists.
Far from age-old stigmas, a failed gambling czar was selected (by the Electoral College) as U.S. president in 2016. He broke more norms and laws daily than all previous presidents, and until recently has gotten away with these violations.
College sports stars have started selling their likenesses and other emblems—something that for years was verboten and cause for expulsion.
Historically, there have been cruel norms beyond avarice. Some were ensconced into law—such as legalized slavery before the Civil War.
Child labor in dungeon-like factories was not only legal, it was accepted as a norm. It has been illegal for almost a century since the law memorialized the new norm that youngsters should be going to schools instead of going to sweatshops.
It's good to think about norms—big and small—as yardsticks of what kind of society we want. Not doing so, over time, can result in deeply recognized norms such as protecting the personal privacies of the young and old, smashed to smithereens by Facebook, Instagram, and other Internet barons who make huge profits by getting, for free, their customers' detailed personal information every day, which is then sold to advertisers.
Because of the unbridled political power of corporatism and other lawless forces, the rule of law cannot begin to catch up with protecting good norms or replacing cruel norms. This challenge first rests on ourselves, on our reinvigorating civic and educational institutions, on our bar associations, our faith groups, and on each family circle.
That is why it is so important for active citizens who strive to get, for example, health, safety, and economic protection standards made into law by petitions, lawsuits, marches, writings, or lobbying not to despair when they so often lose these battles. For even if they do not prevail, they are keeping alive the public, decent, respectful underlying norms of our society that can be advanced and ultimately provided with legal protections.
You must have some crucial norms you see being fractured or weakened. Speak up about them, otherwise you'll find them going, going, gone. It is time to reverse the lowering of expectations by people. Even big historic norms are under systemic assault, like the vendors' drive to reject cash/check for payments by the incarcerating credit card, payment system Gulag. Or the Trump GOP's massive lies about voter fraud in order for dangerous Republican extremists to enact legislation to obstruct voting and honest vote counting.