Stephen Wolf, Daily Kos

Louisiana GOP fails to override Democratic vetoes of voting restriction bills

Programming Note: The Voting Rights Roundup will be taking a break the week of July 31 but will return the following week.

Leading Off

Louisiana: Louisiana Republicans have narrowly failed to override any of Democratic Gov. John Bel Edwards' vetoes in the legislature's first-ever override session since the adoption of Louisiana's current constitution in 1974. Republicans had been trying to undo Edwards' vetoes of bills addressing several topics, including two that would have added voter ID requirements for absentee voting and banned private grants from philanthropic groups seeking to remedy the underfunding of election administration.

Thanks in large part to their existing gerrymanders, Republicans nominally hold a veto-proof majority in the state Senate and are just two seats shy of the two-thirds mark in the state House, where a trio of independent members hold the balance of power.

However, not only did GOP leaders fail to convince a sufficient number of Democrats or independents in the House to side with them, they were unable to even get their whole caucus to show up to override the vetoes in the upper chamber. (Overrides in Louisiana require a two-thirds vote of all members, not just those present.)

The failure of these override attempts is a small yet encouraging sign that Republicans might not have the votes to override Edwards' likely vetoes of their forthcoming congressional and legislative maps, which are all but certain to be partisan gerrymanders that favor the GOP, as the current maps are. Given the higher stakes involved, however, the fate of any redistricting vetoes is very much an open question.

Redistricting

Colorado: Colorado's independent congressional redistricting commission has filed a petition asking the state Supreme Court to extend the Sept. 1 deadline for passing a final map to Oct. 28 in light of the Census Bureau's delayed release of the data needed to draw new districts, which isn't expected until around Aug. 16.

Maine: Maine's Supreme Court has extended the date for mapmakers to draw new congressional and legislative districts after the delayed release of census data made meeting the state constitution's June 11 deadline impossible. The state's advisory redistricting commission will now have 45 days after the data comes out to propose maps to legislators, who will then have 10 days to vote on them, putting those dates in late September and early October, respectively.

New Jersey: The two parties on New Jersey's bipartisan congressional redistricting commission have failed to agree on a tie-breaking member for the first time since the commission first came into being three decades ago, meaning that the state Supreme Court will now have to make the decision for them. The court has asked commission members to reconsider, but unless they reach a last-minute agreement on a consensus choice, the high court will have to pick one of the two candidates nominated by the parties (both former judges) by Aug. 10.

This impasse raises the winner-take-all stakes of New Jersey's flawed approach, which has typically produced incumbent-protection gerrymanders. Sometimes the outcomes have been even more skewed: A decade ago, the tie-breaker (a former state attorney general who served under a Republican governor) chose a congressional map submitted by the GOP that amounted to a partisan gerrymander favoring Republicans.

There's no telling what sort of pick the Supreme Court might make: It has three Democratic appointees, three Republican appointees, and an independent appointed by former Gov. Christine Todd Whitman, a moderate Republican. That Whitman appointee, Justice Jaynee LaVecchia, is retiring, which means Democratic appointees will soon become a majority on the bench, but that won't happen until September at the earliest.

Voting Access Expansions

Massachusetts: Massachusetts' Democratic-run legislature has passed a bill to extend pandemic-era voting access measures through mid-December so that they'll remain in place for upcoming local elections (such as Boston's mayoral contest) while lawmakers decide whether to make them permanent. The provisions in question include expanded early voting and no-excuse mail voting.

Meanwhile, state Senate Democrats passed a separate bill in a committee that would permanently adopt those reforms along with same-day voter registration. That bill also aims to improve voting access for incarcerated people who still retain their voting rights, along with some other smaller measures.

New York: Democratic Gov. Andrew Cuomo has signed several voting and election reform bills, including one bill that will permanently allow voters to request absentee ballots online. Another measure takes steps to strengthen the existing process allowing absentee ballots to count so long as they are postmarked by Election Day and received up to a few days later.

Oregon: Oregon Gov. Kate Brown has signed a Democratic-backed bill that will allow mail ballots to count as long as they are postmarked by Election Day and received up to a week later. Ballots that are missing a clear postmark will be presumed to have been mailed by Election Day. Under the previous law, ballots had to be received by Election Day in order to count.

Voter Suppression

Indiana: The conservative-dominated 7th Circuit Court of Appeals has unanimously upheld a lower court decision that blocked much of a voter purge law passed by Indiana Republicans last year—the second straight time such a law has been barred by the courts.

The GOP's latest effort came about after a 2019 decision from the 7th Circuit that also sustained a ruling barring Republicans' previous attempt to pass a similar voter purge measure two years earlier. The result this time was little different: The appeals court held that the new law "impermissibly allows Indiana to cancel a voter's registration without either direct communication from the voter or compliance with [federal law]."

The newly blocked legislation had withdrawn the state from the now-defunct Interstate Crosscheck system championed by Republicans such as former Kansas Secretary of State Kris Kobach, which multiple federal courts had blocked Indiana from using over its security flaws and inaccuracy. The GOP's replacement law, however, created a new system that was susceptible to the same shoddy design flaws that saw Crosscheck yield more than 100 false positives for every improper duplicate registration it found.

Republicans have not yet said whether they will appeal further.

Ohio: In passing a new law banning private charities from making donations to help underfunded election administrators, Ohio Republicans went one step further by effectively banning election officials from almost any type of collaborations with outside groups to try to increase voter turnout. The provision is sweeping in its scope:

"No public official that is responsible for administering or conducting an election in this state shall collaborate with, or accept or expend any money from, a nongovernmental person or entity for any costs or activities related to voter registration, voter education, voter identification, get-out-the-vote, absent voting, election official recruitment or training, or any other election-related purpose."

Although there are limited exceptions, such as using privately owned buildings like churches as polling places, this language would appear to prohibit programs like one promoted by Republican Secretary of State Frank LaRose that distributed voter registration forms via barber shops and other venues.

LaRose contends that such programs are still allowed and says he'll continue them, but he risks a lawsuit to compel him to stop. But regardless of what LaRose does, the new law gives Republicans—and Ohio's conservative-controlled courts—yet another tool to prevent Democratic election officials from encouraging voter turnout in ways the GOP opposes.

The election was a disaster for redistricting — ensuring extended GOP minority rule

Election night delivered nothing short of an unmitigated catastrophe for Democrats—and democracy—heading into the coming redistricting cycle. Before the 2020 elections, Republicans would have been able to draw three to four times as many congressional districts as Democrats. But instead of leveling the playing field, Tuesday saw the GOP's edge expand to potentially four or five times as many districts as Democrats, as shown in the map at the top of this post (see here for a larger version).

That disparity is similar to the lopsided aftermath of the 2010 elections, when Republicans won the power to redraw five times as many House districts as Democrats. That allowed the GOP to craft a majority of all districts in the House while Democrats wound up responsible for just one-tenth. That huge advantage helped Republicans win the House in 2012 despite the fact that Democratic candidates won more votes. The same story played out in several legislatures in key swing states multiple times over the last decade.

A repeat of GOP minority rule is now a strong risk for 2022 and beyond, both in the House and in the states, since control of legislative redistricting will also heavily favor Republicans, as shown on the map below.

Click to enlarge

Three states have legislative chambers with majorities in doubt as of Thursday morning: The Arizona Senate and House, Minnesota Senate, and Pennsylvania Senate and House. The GOP currently leads for all three states. Additionally, Democrats could gain a two-thirds supermajority in New York's state Senate once mail ballots are counted after Nov. 6. We are tracking each key state and will update this post as races get called in the coming days.

Beyond these four states, the future of redistricting is highly contingent upon the Supreme Court's new far-right majority, which could both further undermine the Voting Rights Act and strip away checks on GOP state legislatures. We also don't know to what degree Trump has corrupted the accuracy of the census in a way that could disproportionately hurt Democrats.

We'll delve into the results in all the important states, and their implications for the coming decade, just below. We'll also address the threat of the Supreme Court and a tainted census in an article to follow. You can also explore our guide to the rules that govern which party (if any) controls redistricting state by state.

ARIZONA

  • Governor: Republican (up in 2022)
  • State Senate: Republican—uncalled
  • State House: Republican—uncalled

Arizona has had an independent redistricting commission in place since 2000, but there's a significant risk that the Supreme Court will strike down all commissions that were passed by citizen-initiated ballot measures, especially with Amy Coney Barrett now on the court. Republicans control the governorship, and while Democrats had high hopes of flipping the legislature, the GOP currently leads in key uncalled races as of Thursday.

That would lead to a divided government in case the commission gets struck down, meaning that barring a bipartisan compromise, new maps would likely be drawn by the courts, which favor nonpartisan districts. Republicans in the legislature have also repeatedly sought to undermine the commission, so ending the GOP's control of state government would help insulate the panel from further attack.

CONNECTICUT

  • Governor: Democratic (up in 2022)
  • State Senate: Democratic hold
  • State House: Democratic hold

Democrats failed to gain the two-thirds supermajorities that they would have needed under the state constitution to gain control over redistricting, leaving bipartisan control in place, though it's not clear whether they would have pursued the opportunity even had they reached that threshold.

FLORIDA

  • Governor: Republican (up in 2022)
  • State Senate: Republican hold
  • State House: Republican hold

Republicans remain in control in Florida after Democrats failed to flip either chamber. Voters passed two ballot initiatives in 2010 to try to ban gerrymandering, but the state Supreme Court has taken a lurch far to the right after Republican Gov. Ron DeSantis won in 2018. It's therefore unlikely to enforce the amendments to curb GOP gerrymandering.

GEORGIA

  • Governor: Republican (up in 2022)
  • State Senate: Republican hold
  • State House: Republican hold

Republicans maintained full control over redistricting after Democrats failed to flip the gerrymandered state House or Senate, even though the presidential race is neck and neck.

IOWA

  • Governor: Republican (up in 2022)
  • State Senate: Republican hold (half of seats up)
  • State House: Republican hold

Since the 1980s, a nonpartisan agency has proposed maps to the Iowa legislature, which has always adopted them. However, since Democrats failed to flip the state House to break the GOP's full control, next year will be the first time in several decades under this system that one party has unified control over state government.

That would allow the GOP to simply reject the agency's proposals and implement their own gerrymanders, or even repeal the statute that created the agency. The only possible deterrent is fear of a public backlash, but as we've seen in so many states, gerrymandering is the very thing that can protect incumbents from anger over gerrymandering.

KANSAS

  • Governor: Democratic (up in 2022)
  • State Senate: Republican supermajority hold
  • State House: Republican supermajority hold

Democrats needed to flip just a single state House seat or three state Senate seats to break the GOP's veto-proof majorities, but they failed to do either. Consequently, Republicans will be able to override Democratic Gov. Laura Kelly's vetoes, including of the very congressional gerrymander that the Republican Senate leader was recently caught on tape vowing to fight for.

MICHIGAN

  • Governor: Democratic (up in 2022)
  • State Senate: Republican (up in 2022)
  • State House: Republican hold

Like Arizona, Michigan also has an independent redistricting commission, but while it's new for the 2020 cycle, it too could get invalidated by the Supreme Court. Even if it survives, though, litigation over the eventual maps the commission produces is likely, which is why it's critical that Democrats gained a 4-3 majority on the state Supreme Court. However, the court's power to block gerrymandering is also threatened by the U.S. Supreme Court, just as the commission is, and even Democratic Gov. Gretchen Whitmer's veto power could be as well.

Michigan Democrats failed to retake the gerrymandered state House even though it's very possible that, once again, their candidates will have won more votes. If that comes to pass, it would mark the fourth of five elections over the last decade when the same thing has happened, offering the starkest example of how GOP gerrymandering has replaced democracy with entrenched minority rule.

MINNESOTA

  • Governor: Democratic (up in 2022)
  • State Senate: Republican hold—uncalled
  • State House: Democratic hold

It appears that Democrats have failed to gain full control in Minnesota, falling just short in the state Senate, though final tallies have not yet been announced. While the state currently has nonpartisan maps drawn by a court and is poised to again after 2020, racial segregation in the Minneapolis area creates a "geography penalty" that harms Democrats, which means even ostensibly nonpartisan maps have the effect of functioning like GOP gerrymanders. Case in point: Hillary Clinton and Democratic candidates won more votes statewide than Trump and Republicans in 2016 but failed to win a majority of seats in the state Senate. That seems to have happened once more to Senate Democrats this year.

MISSOURI

  • Governor: Republican hold
  • State Senate: Republican supermajority hold (half of seats up)
  • State House: Republican supermajority hold

Missouri voters passed an initiative in 2018 to reform the state's existing bipartisan legislative redistricting commission by requiring new maps be drawn that explicitly take partisan fairness into account, which would negate the geographic penalty against Democrats caused by white-flight racial segregation. However, Republicans successfully deceived voters into passing a disingenuous amendment this year that guts this reform by making the fairness requirement toothless. Congressional redistricting, meanwhile, is still handled by the legislature and governor, both of which remained firmly in GOP hands.

NEBRASKA

  • Governor: Republican (up in 2022)
  • State Senate: Republican hold, no supermajority gained (half of seats up)

Republicans control Nebraska's unicameral and nominally nonpartisan legislature, but they just narrowly failed to gain the the two-thirds supermajority needed to overcome a filibuster of any new gerrymanders. The GOP could also eliminate the filibuster with a simple majority, but it's far from clear that enough Republican lawmakers are willing to make that move due to their internal divisions. Therefore, if the status quo prevails and Democrats sustain a filibuster, new maps would be handled by the courts.

NEW HAMPSHIRE

  • Governor: Republican hold
  • State Senate: Republican flip
  • State House: Republican flip

Republicans unexpectedly regained their gerrymandered majorities to obtain full control over redistricting for the second decade in a row in New Hampshire. It's possible that Republicans will have once again won majorities despite Democrats winning more votes once outstanding mail votes are finalized.

NEW JERSEY

  • Governor: Democratic (up in 2021)
  • State Senate: Democratic (up in 2021)
  • State House: Democratic (up in 2021)

Democratic Gov. Phil Murphy and the heavily Democratic legislature don't face the voters again until 2021, after legislative redistricting is supposed to take place. However, voters approved Question 3, which Democrats hope will push back redistricting (only for the legislature) to the 2023 elections if the census doesn't provide the data lawmakers need by Feb. 15. Delaying redistricting two more years would further disadvantage the state's growing Asian and Latino populations, likely intended to be to the benefit of white Democratic incumbents in primaries.

No matter which year New Jersey conducts its redistricting, the process will see two bipartisan commissions (one for Congress and one for the legislature) appointed by a combination of legislative leaders and state party leaders calling the shots. Democrats therefore won't have the chance to adopt extreme partisan maps, though either party has a chance at seeing somewhat favorable districts enacted depending on what proposal each tiebreaker picks.

NEW YORK

  • Governor: Democratic (up in 2022)
  • State Senate: Democratic—uncalled supermajority
  • State Assembly: Democratic supermajority hold

New York has a new bipartisan redistricting commission appointed by lawmakers, but Democrats could override the commission's recommendations and pass maps to their own liking if they win a two-thirds supermajority. It's unclear whether the GOP's gerrymander will further collapse and let Democrats hit that threshold in the state Senate once absentee ballots are counted. (Democrats hold a more secure supermajority in the Democratically gerrymandered Assembly.)

However, many Democratic lawmakers in New York have often been all too happy to ignore their party's broader interests if it means getting a seat that insulates them from a potential primary challenge. It's therefore unclear whether Democrats would be able to pass aggressive partisan gerrymanders even if they were to win supermajorities.

NORTH CAROLINA

  • Governor: Democratic hold
  • State Senate: Republican hold
  • State House: Republican hold
  • State Supreme Court: Democratic hold (three seats up)

North Carolina has seen the worst and most pervasive Republican gerrymandering of any state in modern history, and the battles over redistricting are set to continue after Republicans unexpectedly gained seats by ousting several Democratic legislators to maintain their majorities. And even though Democratic Gov. Roy Cooper won reelection, he is unable to veto most key redistricting bills.

Making matters worse, Republicans ousted at least one Democratic incumbent on the state Supreme Court and lead in two uncalled races where absentee and provisional ballots will decide whether Democrats majority stays at 6-1 or narrows to 5-2 or even 4-3. The size of Democrats' majority is important because it means the GOP could regain control of the court as soon as 2022 if they sweep every seat up this year. That opportunity could be delayed until 2024 if Democrats hang on in the two unsettled races.

State courts curtailed the GOP's gerrymanders last year, but while those rulings curbed the worst excesses of Republican gerrymandering, they didn't entirely eliminate the problem. Furthermore, state-level judicial review is not guaranteed to succeed again given the increasingly radical stances taken by the U.S. Supreme Court.

OHIO

  • Governor: Republican (up in 2022)
  • State Senate: Republican hold (half of seats up)
  • State House: Republican hold
  • State Supreme Court: Republican hold (two seats up)

Ohio's legislature was hopelessly gerrymandered by Republicans this past decade, but while Democrat Jennifer Brunner flipped a seat on the state Supreme Court, fellow Democrat John O'Donnell failed to oust a second GOP incumbent, leaving the GOP with a narrower 4-3 majority. Such a majority will likely mean the court won't enforce the protections added by the GOP in bad faith to Ohio's constitution in 2018 in an ostensibly bipartisan compromise to reform congressional redistricting, leaving Republicans free to gerrymander while falsely claiming they curbed the legislature's power to do so.

OREGON

  • Governor: Democratic (up in 2022)
  • State Senate: Democratic hold—uncalled supermajority (half of seats up)
  • State House: Democratic hold but failure to gain two-thirds supermajority

Over the last two years, Oregon Republicans repeatedly fled the state to deny Democrats the two-thirds legislative supermajority needed to conduct any business under Oregon's unusual quorum rules, successfully defeating a Democratic bill to enact climate protections. They may try that move to stop Democrats from controlling congressional redistricting next year, since Democrats failed to gain a two-thirds supermajority in the state House. If the GOP once more succeeds at quorum-busting, a court would likely draw the congressional map.

However, Democratic state Sen. Shemia Fagan flipped the open secretary of state's office held by Republicans, meaning that if lawmakers don't pass new legislative districts by July 1, 2021, the secretary of state takes over that process. Had Fagan not prevailed, a GOP walkout would have handed legislative redistricting to a Republican secretary of state.

PENNSYLVANIA

  • Governor: Democratic (up in 2022)
  • State Senate: Republican—uncalled but likely hold (half of seats up)
  • State House: Republican—uncalled but likely hold

While many mail ballots that lean heavily Democratic are yet to be counted, Democrats are unlikely to win either chamber even if they win more votes—which is precisely what happened in 2018 and 2012. Like North Carolina, Pennsylvania's Supreme Court has a Democratic majority that, in 2018, issued a ruling striking down the GOP's congressional gerrymander. However, even if Democratic Gov. Tom Wolf once again blocks Republican legislators from passing an extreme gerrymander, the state Supreme Court may not get the opportunity to draw a fair map of its own, especially if the U.S. Supreme Court interferes.

However, because the state Supreme Court determines the majority tiebreaker on the bipartisan commission used for legislative redistricting, Democrats are poised to control that process after two decades of Republicans running the show. A Republican effort to pass a constitutional amendment that would effectively gerrymander the court could be even more consequential, though. The GOP passed their amendment earlier this year and would need to pass it again after 2020 before voters weigh in via a 2021 referendum. A Democratic state House could stop that power grab dead in its tracks if absentee ballots help Democrats pull off an upset to win control this year.

TEXAS

  • Governor: Republican (up in 2022)
  • State Senate: Republican hold (half of seats up)
  • State House: Republican hold (four seats up)

The most important state for Republican congressional gerrymandering is Texas, and Democrats failed to make significant gains needed to flip the state House to break the GOP's control, even though the GOP's gerrymander showed major cracks in 2018 when Democrat Beto O'Rourke won a majority of seats despite losing 51-48 overall to Ted Cruz.

Democrats also failed to lay the groundwork for striking down gerrymanders later this decade after Republicans swept all four seats up this year to maintain their 9-0 state Supreme Court majority. While Democrats could in theory gain control over the court as soon as 2024 (at least three seats are up every two years depending on vacancies), Texas may simply not be blue enough for that to be realistic by then.

VERMONT

  • Governor: Republican hold
  • State Senate: Democratic supermajority hold
  • State House: Democratic supermajority lost

Democrats and their third-party Progressive allies lost their two-thirds supermajority in the state House needed to override Republican Gov. Phil Scott's vetoes and gerrymander the legislature (Vermont only has a single statewide congressional district). Independents now hold the balance of power for veto overrides in the state House (the GOP failed to break the Democratic-Progressive state Senate supermajority).

However, it's far from a given that Democrats could have even overridden a veto anyway given the state's penchant for rejecting the sharpest sort of partisan politics common just about everywhere else. After 2010, the Democratically dominated state government passed new maps with wide GOP support, so something similar could happen after 2020.

VIRGINIA

  • Governor: Democratic (up in 2021)
  • State Senate: Democratic (up in 2023)
  • State House: Democratic (up in 2021)

Virginia voters have approved the creation of a bipartisan redistricting commission after the new Democratic majority in Virginia's legislature agreed to hold a vote earlier this year on a GOP-backed reform to enact a bipartisan redistricting commission. The amendment was a compromise that passed with widespread Democratic support in the state Senate but almost unanimous Democratic opposition in the state House.

While the measure is not without its own flaws, it should help ensure Virginia districts are by and large nonpartisan following the 2020 census if it passes. Democrats, however, were divided in their support and opposition for the ballot measure. While its passage should help ensure fair maps for Virginia in isolation, particularly for legislative maps, it means Democrats lose a counterweight at the national level to GOP congressional gerrymandering elsewhere.

WISCONSIN

  • Governor: Democratic (up in 2022)
  • State Senate: Republican hold, no supermajority (half of seats up)
  • State House: Republican hold, no supermajority

Democrats blocked Republicans from gaining the two-thirds supermajorities needed in the badly gerrymandered legislature to override Democratic Gov. Tony Evers' vetoes, meaning an Evers veto would send redistricting to court instead of letting the GOP gerrymander.

However, a more uncertain but plausible risk is that the partisan 4-3 conservative majority on Wisconsin's Supreme Court will overturn a 1965 precedent and let Republicans pass a new gerrymander by stripping Evers of his veto power, potentially making the size of the GOP's majorities irrelevant since they still will control both chambers.

Voting Rights Roundup: Key 2020 court battles take shape as Supreme Court threat to mail votes looms

LEADING OFF

Supreme Court: This week, the Supreme Court set the stage for what could be the most important legal battle of the 2020 elections with its rulings in major cases over whether mail ballots may count if they are postmarked by Election Day but received afterward.

These cases rely on a radical constitutional theory that would effectively overturn the foundation of federalism and eliminate state-level judicial review when state courts try to safeguard voting rights from hostile GOP legislatures. In a worst-case scenario, this approach could allow the Supreme Court's far-right majority to throw out thousands if not millions of valid absentee ballots and potentially change the outcome of the election.

The conservative justices first reversed a lower court ruling in Wisconsin allowing postmarked ballots to count while refusing to overturn a state Supreme Court ruling in Pennsylvania that did permit such ballots count and a settlement by North Carolina officials extending the deadline by when postmarked ballots must be received after Election Day.

Shortly after those rulings came down, a panel of mostly conservative judges on the 8th Circuit Court of Appeals issued one of the most flagrantly partisan and undemocratic decisions in years to disqualify postmarked ballots in Minnesota—a ruling that experts lambasted as "outrageous" and "indefensibly wrong" as we'll explain below.

While North Carolina and Pennsylvania decisions appear on the surface to be victories for voting rights, they may be short lived, because the issues of postmarked ballots could swiftly return to the Supreme Court after Election Day. It's very possible the court's new hardline right-wing majority could invalidate votes after Election Day even though they were properly cast at the time voters mailed them, an outcome that would be an unprecedented judicial abrogation of the right to vote.

If voters have not already voted, they should forget about returning their absentee ballots by mail and risk them not arriving on time. To mitigate the impact of a hostile judiciary, they should instead return their mail ballots at a drop-box, polling place, or local elections office if their state or locality allows it, and if that isn't an option, voters should vote in-person and do it early if that's allowed where they live.

Common to many of these cases above are two legal principles, once of which stems from a 2006 Supreme Court ruling called Purcell v. Gonzales that gave rise to the so-called "Purcell principle." That principle says courts should be sternly reluctant to change election laws or procedures close to an election in an effort to avoid voter confusion or strains on election administration. Even when some election rules may be unconstitutional, federal courts are supposed to apply a much higher burden for overturning them to avoid creating chaos (state courts operate under different procedures varying based on state constitutional law).

Citing Purcell, the Supreme Court's conservatives refused to overturn a 7th Circuit Court of Appeals decision that overturned a lower court ruling requiring postmarked ballots to count in Wisconsin. But while the Supreme Court in Purcell did not say that no changes may ever be made when an election is near, many conservative judges have interpreted that guideline this year to block any relief for plaintiffs no matter how egregious the alleged constitutional violations.

The extraordinary circumstances of the pandemic, combined with Donald Trump's ongoing sabotage of the postal service creating unprecedented delays in mail delivery service, could very well have entitled the plaintiffs to relief in Wisconsin and many related lawsuits. Yet in case after case where lower federal courts have blocked GOP voting restrictions due to the pandemic, the conservatives on the Supreme Court and courts of appeals have overturned such rulings by citing Purcell regardless of how serious the violation of constitutional rights, with the high court often granting emergency stays that don't require it to provide any written explanation.

Right-wing judges over the last few weeks have brazenly wielded Purcell as a partisan cudgel against Democrats by selectively enforcing it to almost-consistently benefit Republicans and hurt voters. The Minnesota ruling in particular offers a stark illustration.

In that case, an 8th Circuit panel ruled 2-1 along ideological lines that Democratic Secretary of State Seve Simon had likely exceeded his powers and usurped the legislature's authority when he agreed three months ago in a lawsuit to count postmarked ballots received up to Nov. 10. The 8th Circuit directed Simon to segregate any postmarked ballots that arrive after Election Day as the case proceeds in case it finds his actions unlawful, strongly implying that the judges will toss out those ballots after Election Day when they issue a final ruling on the merits.

Granting a GOP lawsuit filed in September with just weeks to go, the court in Minnesota itself changed election procedures with just five days left until Election Day and after some mail voters had already voted with the postmark provision in mind. That outcome makes a mockery of Purcell by treating it as a one-way partisan ratchet for the GOP in which Republicans are allowed to wage last-minute challenges to attack voting rights—even changing the rules after ballots have been cast—but Democrats aren't allowed to do so to protect them.

Likely anticipating the catastrophic effects of an adverse ruling that could come from a potential appeal, Simon and Minnesota Democrats announced on Friday that they would hold off on trying to overturn the 8th Circuit ruling. Simon emphasized that "there is no ruling yet saying those ballots are invalid" and that Minnesota reserves "the right to make every argument after Election Day that protects voters."

While Purcell has largely guided federal courts, state courts operate under different rules due to two centuries of precedents establishing the guidelines of federalism, the second principle common to these cases. For that reason, it's particularly alarming that the Supreme Court has even considered potentially overturning state Supreme Court rulings in Pennsylvania and North Carolina where those courts were adjudicating issues based solely on state constitutional concerns without any questions of federal law at issue in good faith.

The Supreme Court left a ruling by the Democratic majority on Pennsylvania's Supreme Court in place when, for the second time in recent weeks, it refused the GOP's request for a stay that would block ballots postmarked by Election Day and received up to three days later. In two separate lawsuits over a settlement where the Democratic majority on North Carolina's state Board of Elections extended the deadline by when postmarked ballots must be received from Nov. 6 to Nov. 12, the Supreme Court refused to overturn a federal lower court ruling and refused to reverse a ruling by the majority-Democratic state Supreme Court that had upheld the settlement just days prior.

But each of these cases remain ongoing, and their fates appear ominous for voting rights based on how the justices ruled on the requests for the stays and Justice Brett Kavanaugh's separate opinion in the Wisconsin case. Three justices, Clarence Thomas, Samuel Alito, and Neil Gorsuch all would have gone nuclear in North Carolina and Pennsylvania by granting the stays, accepting an extreme and unprecedented view of the U.S. Constitution's Elections Clause.

The Elections Clause gives the "legislature" in each state the power to set the "times, places, and manner of holding" federal elections (though Congress "may at any time make or alter such regulations"). Republicans argue in these cases and in Minnesota that this clause only empowers the state legislature itself, not those who hold the power to set laws under state constitutions such as state courts, voters (via the ballot initiative process), or potentially even governors when they exercise their veto powers.

The Supreme Court rejected this interpretation of the Elections Clause in a 5-4 ruling in 2015 upholding the right of Arizona voters to strip their GOP-run legislature of the power to control redistricting by using a 2000 ballot initiative to create an independent redistricting commission. However, two of the justices in the majority in that ruling, Ruth Bader Ginsburg and Anthony Kennedy, are no longer on the court and have since been replaced by justices much further to their right.

While Thomas, Alito, and Gorsuch are not a majority on their own, Kavanaugh strongly cast doubt on the legality of counting postmarked ballots that arrive after Election Day in his Wisconsin ruling, a decision that drew fierce criticism over factual inaccuracies and Kavanaugh's having concocted a notion that "states also want to be able to definitively announce the results of the election on election night, or as soon as possible thereafter." Especially worrisome is that Kavanaugh approvingly cited a theory in the Supreme Court's infamous case Bush v. Gore, which decided the 2000 election for George W. Bush.

Kavanaugh's statement appears to support Trump's bogus claims that votes counted after Election Day, potentially even those that were received and not just postmarked by Election Day, are somehow illegitimate, and it's at odds with two key facts. First, no state does or ever has had official declarations of a winner on Election Night, and every state counts ballots such as provisionals and military ballots from abroad in the days or even weeks afterward. Federal law acknowledges as much by setting Dec. 8 as the last day to certify votes ahead of the Dec. 14 vote by Electoral College electors.

Second, the Republican legislatures in Wisconsin and Pennsylvania, both of which saw Democrats win more votes in 2018 but the GOP win gerrymandered majorities anyway, have refused to pass laws that would allow election workers to even begin preparing absentee mail ballots for counting ahead of Election Day. Nearly every other state lets workers begin processing such votes early even if they may still have to wait until Election Day to count them, and Pennsylvania and Wisconsin's inability to do so could drag out the vote counting past Election Night.

Because Trump's demagoguery against mail voting has meant that Democrats are voting by mail at much higher rates than Republicans, Trump has made it clear that he plans to try to overturn an election loss by claiming victory on Election Night based on a partial count even in the likely event that late-counted mail ballots ultimately cause him to lose. While Kavanaugh did not side with his three colleagues who would have granted these stays, he left little doubt where his inclinations lie on the merits.

That leaves new Justice Amy Coney Barrett, who did not weigh in on the requests for the stays. However, Barrett made clear via a spokesperson that she was not recusing herself but had simply not had time to get caught up to speed on the briefings, something that won't necessarily be the case if these cases return to the Supreme Court in the coming days. Trump himself has let slip that he rushed Barrett's appointment to the court just eight days before Election Day precisely because he wanted her to decide the election in his favor.

Consequently, there is a dire risk that all of the Supreme Court's conservatives aside from Chief Justice John Roberts could rule after Election Day against counting these postmarked ballots. Such a ruling would be an unprecedented assault on the sanctity of the election and a denial of due process afforded to voters in countless past cases, and such an outcome could spark a historic public backlash against the court itself.

If there's one silver lining, it may be that the potential for backlash could give the conservative hardliners pause to avoid giving congressional Democrats the public standing they would need to expand the Supreme Court by adding new justices in response. Furthermore, the potential margin of Trump's defeat itself may play into Kavanaugh and Barrett's willingness or lack thereof to brazenly discard votes, and if the polls are anywhere near close to the mark, Trump is poised to decisively lose next week.

Nevertheless, the fact that five justices on the Supreme Court appear very open if not eagerly willing to upend two centuries of established law, all to help a historically unpopular and authoritarian president cling to power in the face of a looming decisive defeat, is itself ample reason for Democrats to reform the court itself should they nevertheless overcome these barriers and win the presidency and Senate on Tuesday.

If they don't, the Supreme Court's conservative hardliners could make nakedly partisan rulings attacking the right to vote for years if not decades to come.

(Note: Daily Kos Elections contributing editor Arjun Jaikumar is representing a party in this Pennsylvania litigation. He took no part in the production of this writeup.)

FELONY DISENFRANCHISEMENT

Tennessee: A state court has dealt a setback to voting rights advocates by ruling that Tennessee is not required to alter its felony disenfranchisement regime to restore voting rights to people with felony convictions from other states based on how the state where they were convicted treats voting rights for such individuals.

Felony disenfranchisement is more restrictive in Tennessee than almost anywhere else in the country, requiring voters to have completely served all parts of their sentence including prison, parole, and probation, and some of the most serious offenses result in lifetime disenfranchisement. Furthermore, Tennessee requires the payment of court fines and fees before voters may regain their rights, which results in post-sentence disenfranchisement potentially for life for those unable to pay off such assessments.

Consequently, 9% of Tennesseans are banned from voting, nearly the highest rate of any state, including 22% of Black voters, which is the highest rate in the country after several states have adopted reforms to lessen their disenfranchisement rates in the last several years. It's unclear how many of those affected would see their rights restored if Tennessee treated out-of-state convictions similarly to how those voters would have been treated in their native states.

ELECTION CHANGES

Please bookmark our litigation tracker for a complete summary of the latest developments in every lawsuit regarding changes to elections and voting procedures as a result of the coronavirus.

Alaska: The Alaska Supreme Court, which has a GOP-appointed majority, has rejected a lawsuit asking that voters be notified of any problems with their mail ballots and be given a chance to fix them before Election Day. The state already requires officials to notify voters of any issues after the election.

Arkansas: A federal court has rejected a lawsuit asking that Arkansas voters be notified of any problems with their mail ballots and be given a chance to fix them. Arkansas is one of only four states that does not give voters the opportunity to address any alleged signature mismatches.

Separately, voting rights advocates have filed a lawsuit in state court challenging a state law that says that absentee ballots may only be counted on Election Day. Election officials say they plan to keep counting such ballots "regardless of how long it takes to complete the process." It appears that the case has since been transferred to a federal court.

Georgia: Republican-appointed judges on the 11th Circuit Court of Appeals have stayed a lower court ruling that required election officials to maintain paper backups of voter registration records at polling sites in the event of failures with the state's electronic voter check-in system that marred Georgia's June primary.

Missouri: A Missouri state court has rejected a lawsuit seeking to count mail ballots postmarked by Election Day and received within a few days. The court also declined to block a pair of state laws: one requiring that only voters under 65 have mail ballots notarized (elderly voters, who are exempt, typically lean Republican) and another prohibiting voters from returning mail ballots in person.

South Carolina: A federal court has ordered election officials not to reject mail ballots due to alleged signature mismatches and says that officials must also review any ballots that were previously rejected on such grounds. Ballots with missing signatures from voters or witnesses, however, will still not be accepted.

Texas: Conservative judges on the 5th Circuit Court of Appeals have blocked a lower court ruling that held that an exemption in Texas' mask mandate for voters and poll workers violated the Voting Rights Act. Separately, the Texas Supreme Court upheld Republican Gov. Greg Abbott's order limiting election officials to just one mail return location per county.

Taken together, it's particularly cynical of Republican state Attorney General Ken Paxton to argue that the mask mandate violates voters' right to vote when he has personally ensured that many such voters have no alternative but to vote in-person after Paxton successfully fought in court against efforts to liberalize access to mail voting.

Meanwhile, a group of Republican activists and candidates have asked the state Supreme Court to throw out all ballots cast at curbside voting locations in Harris County. The court previously rejected similar challenges filed by Republicans, but an adverse ruling here could disenfranchise over 100,000 voters if the high court grants this request.

Virginia: A Virginia state court has ruled that ballots lacking a postmark can't count if they arrive after Election Day.

Wisconsin: A Wisconsin state court has dismissed a lawsuit seeking a declaration that mass ballot dropoff events in Madison were legal, saying that organizers who brought the suit and the city officials named as defendants were not in disagreement. Republicans had threatened to sue to block the events, known as "Democracy in the Park," but no such lawsuit ever came.

New report reveals the staggering impact of felony disenfranchisement

LEADING OFF

Felony Disenfranchisement: The Sentencing Project has released a report with updated estimates on the number of Americans disenfranchised for a felony conviction in every state, finding that more than 5 million people overall are barred from voting. Many of these laws have their origins in the Jim Crow era, and 6% of Black Americans are banned from voting compared to 2% of Americans overall. Laws on felony disenfranchisement vary widely by state, with Maine, Vermont, and the District of Columbia not barring anyone from voting while several mostly Southern states impose lifetime bans for at least some offenders.

Thanks to a lifetime ban on voting for a large number of felony offenses that can only be remedied by the state legislature and governor passing a bill to individually restore a voter's rights—something the GOP state government almost never does—Mississippi leads the way with more than 1 in every 10 voters banned from voting, including one in every six Black voters, three times the rate of whites. But Tennessee leads the way with Black disenfranchisement, with more than one in four Black citizens banned from voting there.

Should Democrats retake the Senate and Joe Biden become president, Congress may be poised to restore voting rights to millions of citizens who aren't currently incarcerated by ending the bans on voting that many states enforce against citizens on parole, probation, or who owe outstanding court debts even though they have completely served their sentences. The report estimates that 43% of those disenfranchised nationally have served any prison, parole, or probation sentence, and 75% are no longer incarcerated and could regain their rights if Congress adopts Democrats' proposal.

BALLOT MEASURES

Florida: With the support of Democratic state Sen. Janet Cruz and GOP state Rep. Chris Sprowls, who would become speaker if the GOP maintains their majority this November, a new lawsuit has been filed with Florida's conservative-dominated Supreme Court asking it to invalidate an initiative that will appear on the ballot this year and would amend Florida's constitution to create a "top-two primary" for state-level races if at least 60% of voters adopt it. The lawsuit contends that the measure violates the Florida constitution by undermining existing protections for Black and Latino representation.

If voters adopt the ballot measure, Florida would eliminate its traditional primaries closed to voters registered with a particular party and replace them by having all candidates run on the same ballot in the first round regardless of party. From there, the top-two finishers would advance to the November general election regardless of party, meaning two candidates from the same party could advance. As we've noted before, this system is highly flawed because one party can get shut out of the general election simply for having too many candidates in the first round even if they collectively won more votes than the other party, which has happened in California and Washington.

The lawsuit focuses on how top-two reduces existing opportunities for voters of color to elect their chosen candidates for state legislature, particularly since Black voters are heavily Democratic while whites lean GOP. Currently in a district capable of electing a Democrat, Black voters don't need to form an overall majority so long as they can form a majority of the Democratic primary electorate and can count on enough support from a minority of whites in the general. But under top-two, white Republicans who can't elect a Republican on their own might support a candidate backed instead by white Democrats to defeat a candidate preferred by Black Democrats.

Back in 2010, Florida voters passed two previous ballot initiatives that added protections against both partisan gerrymandering and the dilution of voters of color in existing districts that were capable of electing the preferred candidates of such voters. The plaintiffs therefore argue that this 2020 proposal violates the latter provision because it would almost certainly dilute the existing voting strength in several districts of Black voters and to a lesser extent Latinos (who are more internally diverse both in terms of their ethnic identity and partisanship).

VOTER REGISTRATION AND VOTING ACCESS

New York: Voting advocacy organizations are appealing a recent state lower court ruling that declined to extend New York's voter registration deadline from 25 days before Election Day to just 10 days prior.

2020 CENSUS

2020 Census: The Supreme Court has stayed a lower court ruling that had blocked the Trump administration from ending the census' counting operations weeks before the original Oct. 31 deadline, enabling Trump to stop counting on Thursday. Trump has pushed to short circuit the census in a likely effort to produce an undercount that would disproportionately harm communities of color, which in turn would undermine those communities' clout in redistricting for the coming decade.

While the Census Bureau reports that they already had a 99.9% completion rate in nearly every state before the Supreme Court issued its ruling, reporting from the New York Times details how those numbers are misleading. That 99.9% figure doesn't cover the number of households that have filled out the census forms and instead covers those checked off the list by any means, even via estimates.

For instance, the Times notes that instead of interviewing every individual household in a major apartment complex, enumerators may have instead entered data given to them by the apartment manager just on those individuals who signed leases, which could fail to include everyone living in each unit with more than a single occupant. Furthermore, the statewide completion rates don't add light to variations within states, and certain populations that are the hardest to count could thus be more incomplete.

Meanwhile in a federal lawsuit over the Trump administration's attempt to exclude undocumented immigrants from census data that determines the reapportionment of congressional seats and Electoral College votes among the states after 2020, the Supreme Court has agreed to fast-track Trump's appeal of a lower court ruling that blocked Trump's effort earlier this year. The high court set oral arguments for Nov. 30.

ELECTION CHANGES

Please bookmark our litigation tracker for a complete summary of the latest developments in every lawsuit regarding changes to elections and voting procedures as a result of the coronavirus.

Alabama: The 11th Circuit Court of Appeals has overturned a lower court ruling blocking Alabama's requirement that absentee voters have their ballots witnessed or notarized. However, the panel upheld another part of the ruling that barred the state from banning curbside voting. Republican Secretary of State John Merrill has said he will appeal that portion of the decision to the Supreme Court.

Alaska: The Alaska Supreme Court has upheld a lower court ruling blocking the state's requirement that absentee voters have their ballots witnessed. Separately, voting rights advocates have filed a lawsuit in state court asking that voters whose mail ballots are rejected be given the chance to fix any problems.

Arizona: The 9th Circuit Court of Appeals has overturned a lower court ruling that extended Arizona's voter registration deadline from Oct. 5 to 23. However, the judges did order officials to accept new registrations from voters who submitted applications by Oct. 15. Meanwhile, a separate panel on the 9th Circuit has upheld a lower court ruling that rejected a request by the Navajo Nation that mail ballots postmarked by Election Day and received within 10 days be counted.

Delaware: A Delaware state court has rejected a suit requesting that ballots postmarked by Election Day and received within 10 days be counted. Separately, voting rights advocates have filed a suit in state court asking that voters who have been displaced from their homes because of the pandemic be allowed to receive ballots electronically and return them by printing them out and mailing them in.

Georgia: In a long-running case, a federal judge has declined to order Georgia officials, whose polling places have long been plagued with lengthy lines due to difficulties with electronic voting equipment, to use hand-marked paper ballots instead of new electronic voting machines. In a separate ruling, the same judge also declined to order that officials provide paper backup ballots equivalent to 40% of registered voters. Under state law, officials are required to maintain backups for only 10% of voters.

In a separate Democratic-backed lawsuit that was also seeking paper ballot and poll book backups among other measures to prevent long voting lines, a different federal judge has dismissed the case.

Indiana: The 7th Circuit Court of Appeals has overturned a lower court ruling requiring that Indiana officials count absentee ballots postmarked by Election Day and received within 10 days. Instead, ballots must be received by noon on Election Day in order to count.

Iowa: The Iowa Supreme Court has overturned a lower court ruling that said that Republican Secretary of State Paul Pate exceeded his authority in barring county election officials from sending out absentee voter applications with information pre-filled.

Separately, the court said it would hear a challenge from Democrats against a law passed earlier this year by the state's Republican-run legislature prohibiting officials from using their databases to fill in missing information on applications they receive from voters, which they've done in past years. Under the new law, officials are required to contact voters by phone, email, or regular mail.

Louisiana: A state court has blocked Republican Secretary of State Kyle Ardoin's attempt to limit officials in New Orleans to just two ballot return drop box locations.

Michigan: The state Court of Appeals has sided with Republicans and overturned a lower court ruling that had required mail ballots to count if postmarked by the day before Election Day and received up to two weeks afterward.

Minnesota: A federal judge has rejected a Republican challenge to an agreement made between Democratic Secretary of State Steve Simon and voting rights advocates to allow ballots postmarked by Election Day and received within seven days to count, saying the plaintiffs had failed to show they were injured by the law. Plaintiffs say they will appeal.

Missouri: A federal judge has stayed his own ruling allowing the in-person return of mail ballots pending an appeal by Republican Secretary of State Jay Ashcroft.

North Carolina: Two separate federal court rulings have resulted in a mixed outcome for voting advocates regarding absentee voting procedures. In one case, a district court blocked part of a settlement in a separate state lawsuit that would have allowed voters to sign an affidavit in case a witness signature was missing, thus requiring a witness signature for all such ballots.

However, a district court in a separate case refused to overturn an agreement by the state to count ballots that are postmarked by Election Day and received by Nov. 12 while also allowing voters to fix certain other problems on mail ballots regarding voter signatures or incomplete witness information. Additionally, the second federal ruling means dropping off mail ballots at polling places remains allowed.

Republicans are appealing that second federal ruling as well as the settlement in the state lawsuit, which saw the state Court of Appeals issue a short-term stay of the settlement and give the parties until Monday to respond on whether to more permanently block it.

Ohio: The 6th Circuit Court of Appeals has blocked a lower court ruling that forbade Republican Secretary of State Frank LaRose from preventing county election officials from providing more than one drop box for ballot returns. LaRose's directive that each county may only set up one drop box is now back in effect.

Pennsylvania: The Pennsylvania Supreme Court has agreed to take up Democratic Secretary of State Kathy Boockvar's request for it to clarify whether state law allows counties to reject mail ballots based on signatures purportedly not matching the ones on file without notifying voters and giving them a chance to correct the problem. Boockvar had issued a directive last month telling counties that they were required to give voters a chance to fix problems, but the Trump campaign contested it in a separate federal lawsuit.

Meanwhile in that same federal case, a district court has rejected Trump's request to ban dropboxes and allow voters to serve as poll watchers outside their home county, which opponents argued was an attempt to encourage voter intimidation in cities with large Black populations. Trump is appealing to the 3rd Circuit Court of Appeals.

(Note: Daily Kos Elections contributing editor Arjun Jaikumar is representing a party in this case. He took no part in the production of this writeup.)

Tennessee: The 6th Circuit Court of Appeals has upheld a lower court ruling refusing to require that Tennessee officials allow mail voters a chance to fix problems with their ballots that would otherwise result in their votes being rejected.

Texas: Latino voter advocates announced they will appeal to the U.S. Supreme Court after three Trump-appointed judges on the 5th Circuit Court of Appeals reversed a lower court ruling that had blocked a limitation on counties having more than one location for returning mail ballots regardless of population size. The 5th Circuit's ruling came down even though federal courts across the country have been blocking efforts to change election rules too close to the election and GOP Gov. Greg Abbott issued the limitation only on Oct. 1.

Regardless of the federal litigation, a separate state lawsuit has seen a lower court block Abbott's limitation on mail ballot return locations, though Republicans quickly vowed to appeal.

In two separate state court lawsuits over voting access, the first saw the all-GOP state Supreme Court reject right-wing activists' challenge to Abbott's order extending early voting by six days, leading to it beginning this week. In the second case, a panel on the state Court of Appeals has rejected the state GOP's request to ban curbside voting in Harris County, which is home to Houston and is the state's most populous at 4.7 million people, but the state Republican Party will appeal to Texas' high court.

Wisconsin: Democrats have filed an appeal with the Supreme Court asking it to reverse a recent 7th Circuit Court of Appeals ruling that had blocked a lower court's order to count ballots that are postmarked by Election Day and received by Nov. 9.

Overseas Voters: A federal district court has rejected a request by voters from Georgia, Kentucky, New York, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Texas, and Wisconsin who currently reside abroad and were seeking to be able to receive and return their ballots electronically, a process that is already available to the military and even some civilians in other states.

Voting Rights Roundup: Using Jim Crow logic, federal court greenlights age discrimination in voting

LEADING OFF

Indiana: A panel of three Republican-appointed judges on the 7th Circuit Court of Appeals has ruled against plaintiffs who were challenging a GOP-backed restriction that Indiana voters must present a non-COVID excuse to vote by mail this fall. Plaintiffs had argued that an exemption for voters aged 65 and above violates the 26th Amendment's ban on age discrimination in voting, but the appellate court disagreed in a manner that has potentially far-reaching consequences.

In their ruling, two of the three judges would effectively eviscerate any real protection from age discrimination. The plaintiffs argued that a law restricting the right to vote based on race or sex would violate the 15th Amendment or 19th Amendment, respectively, which the 26th Amendment mirrors with almost-identical language. But the majority wrote that those amendments themselves don't subject suspect voting laws to heightened judicial scrutiny, saying instead that such scrutiny comes from the 14th Amendment's Equal Protection clause.

The majority's position, in other words, is that the four amendments expanding voting rights—the 15th, 19th, 24th, and 26th—don't actually provide protections without the 14th Amendment backing them up. These four amendments, however, all contain the phrase "the right to vote ... shall not be denied or abridged on account of" the category they cover. But since age is not a protected class like race and gender under equal protection jurisprudence, the 26th Amendment would become almost meaningless in practice under this view.

This line of reasoning is almost indistinguishable from the jurisprudence advanced by judges during the Jim Crow era to deny the plain intent of the 15th Amendment when upholding laws that prevented Black citizens from voting in all but name, on the flimsy basis that they didn't explicitly ban African Americans from voting.

These Jim Crow laws, such as literacy tests, generally did not make it impossible for Black voters to exercise their rights in theory, much like the absentee excuse requirement doesn't prevent younger voters from voting in person in theory. In practice, however, Jim Crow rules did make voting impossible for Black voters, just as the pandemic has made in-person voting impossible for many voters.

The 7th Circuit's ruling also opens the door to laws that roll out the red carpet for older voters—a Republican-leaning demographic—and impose additional burdens on younger voters, who typically favor Democrats. It could even let GOP legislators pass laws with illicit racial intent by claiming their motives are based on age instead, since young voters tend to be much more diverse than older ones.

The plaintiffs have not yet indicated if they will appeal further. The possibility of an adverse ruling by the Supreme Court could stay their hand, as such a decision would have the effect of making the 7th Circuit's logic binding on the entire country.

In a separate case, a federal district court has temporarily stayed its ruling for a week after ordering that ballots must count if postmarked by Election Day and received a few days afterward in order to give the 7th Circuit time to consider the GOP's appeal.

VOTER SUPPRESSION

Arizona: In early October, the U.S. Supreme Court announced it would take up Arizona Republicans' appeal in a case that could strike a crippling blow against the last remaining pillar of the Voting Rights Act.

This case involves two Republican-backed laws in Arizona that the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals found had both the effect and intent of discriminating against Black, Latino, and Native American voters. If both findings are overturned, it may become impossible to challenge such laws in the future.

Earlier this year, the 9th Circuit blocked the two laws: one that bars counting votes cast in the wrong precinct but in the right county, and another that limits who can turn in another person's absentee mail ballot on a voter's behalf.

Arizona had largely transitioned to mail voting even before the pandemic, but the 9th Circuit observed that only 18% of Native American voters receive mail service, and many living on remote reservations lack reliable transportation options. That has led some voters to ask others in their community to turn their completed ballots in, which Republicans have sought to deride as "ballot harvesting" in an attempt to delegitimize the practice. The law the court struck down had restricted who could handle another person's mail ballot to just a close relative, caregiver, or postal service worker.

The 9th Circuit's ruling also invalidated a separate provision prohibiting out-of-precinct voting, in which a voter shows up and casts a ballot at the wrong polling place but in the right county on Election Day. Under the invalidated law, voters in such circumstances could only cast a provisional ballot, which were automatically rejected if it was later confirmed that the voter had indeed showed up at the wrong polling place.

This ruling relied on Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act, which prohibits laws that have a discriminatory effect against racial minorities regardless of whether there was an intent to discriminate. The finding of a discriminatory effect is critical because it's often much more difficult if not impossible to prove that lawmakers acted with illicit intent, whereas statistical analysis can more readily prove that a law has a disparate negative impact on protected racial groups.

Consequently, it's this so-called "effects test" that is the key remaining plank of the Voting Rights Act following the notorious 2013 decision in Shelby County v. Holder. Some legal observers remain optimistic that the worst may not yet happen, since Arizona Republicans are not challenging the constitutional grounds for the VRA's effects test. However, others have noted that even if the effects test isn't formally struck down, the Supreme Court could make it so difficult to comply with the requirements to prove discrimination that the VRA would nevertheless become meaningless.

Chief Justice John Roberts has spent his entire career fighting to destroy the Voting Rights Act, beginning with his service as a young lawyer in the Reagan Justice Department. If Judge Amy Coney Barrett is confirmed to the Supreme Court, hard-right appointees would have a solid majority. Should that come to pass, the Voting Rights Act's days could very well be numbered, whether this case or another is the vehicle.

U.S. Territories: Plaintiffs originally from Hawaii, including a civilian contractor with the military assigned to Guam, have filed a federal lawsuit challenging a federal law that prohibits them from voting for president and Congress solely because they reside in American Samoa, Guam, Puerto Rico, or the U.S. Virgin Islands. The plaintiffs note that U.S. citizens originating from the 50 states retain the right to vote for federal offices in their former state if they live in a foreign country or the Northern Mariana Islands but not in the other four territories. They argue that the system is unconstitutional by privileging citizens who move to one territory above the other four.

This lawsuit is similar to one that unsuccessfully tried to extend voting rights to U.S. citizens who moved to one of the first four territories above and became disenfranchised. In that case, the Supreme Court in 2018 declined to take up the plaintiffs' appeal after the 7th Circuit Court of Appeals ruled against the plaintiffs. Additionally in that case, the Trump administration proposed disenfranchising citizens in the Northern Mariana Islands as a solution to the purported equal protection violation.

ELECTORAL REFORM

Maine: The U.S. Supreme Court has rejected the GOP's request to stay a state Supreme Court ruling that authorized the use of instant-runoff voting for the presidency this fall.

2020 CENSUS

2020 Census: The Trump administration has asked the Supreme Court to block an order that the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals recently issued requiring census counting efforts to continue through Oct. 31 as originally scheduled instead of letting Trump cut them short by nearly a month.

ELECTION CHANGES

Alaska: An Alaska state court has blocked a requirement that absentee voters have their ballots witnessed. An appeal to the state Supreme Court is possible.

Arizona: A panel of three judges on the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals has temporarily rejected the state GOP's appeal of a recent lower court ruling that extended Arizona's voter registration deadline from Oct. 5 to Oct. 23, expressing doubt that the state Republican Party had the standing to appeal and instead inviting GOP state Attorney General Mark Brnovich to file his own appeal. Brnovich had filed a motion to intervene as defendant after Democratic Secretary of State Katie Hobbs declined to appeal, but the court has not yet ruled on his motion.

In a separate case, a panel on the 9th Circuit has sided with Brnovich and the GOP by staying a lower court ruling that had allowed voters up to have up to five days after Election Day to "cure" problems with a missing signature on their mail ballots instead of requiring such corrections be done by Election Day. Plaintiffs had challenged the law by noting that voters whose signature purportedly didn't match the one on file already had five days after the election to fix the problem but not if the signature was missing entirely.

Georgia: A federal court has rejected a lawsuit seeking to require Gwinnett County, a large and diverse county in the Atlanta suburbs. to send out absentee ballot applications in Spanish, saying the plaintiffs lacked standing even though the county is the lone one in the state subject to the Voting Rights Act's language-minority protections due to its large Latino minority.

Iowa: An Iowa state court has blocked a directive from Republican Secretary of State Paul Pate forbidding local election officials from sending out absentee ballot applications with voter information pre-filled. Pate has asked the conservative-dominated state Supreme Court to stay the ruling.

Maine: A Maine state court has rejected a lawsuit by voting rights advocates seeking to have ballots postmarked by Election Day counted. Plaintiffs also wanted voters whose ballots are rejected for alleged signature mismatches the opportunity to fix any problems and have appealed the ruling to the state Supreme Court. Separately, Democratic Gov. Janet Mills says she will not issue an executive order requiring that ballots postmarked by Election Day be counted.

Michigan: Democratic Gov. Gretchen Whitmer has signed a bill allowing election officials to begin processing mail ballots the day before Election Day. Previously, officials were only allowed to start doing so the morning of Election Day.

Missouri: The Missouri Supreme Court has rejected voting advocates' appeal of a lower court ruling that dismissed their challenge to a GOP-backed requirement that absentee ballots cast by voters under the age of 65, who are typically less Republican than elderly voters, be notarized. In a separate federal lawsuit, a district court has ruled against the GOP and blocked a state law that prohibits voters from returning their mail ballots in-person; Republicans announced they will appeal.

Montana: The Supreme Court has rejected an attempt by Republicans to block a directive by Democratic Gov. Steve Bullock allowing county election officials to decide whether to conduct next month's election by mail; counties home to 94% of Montana residents have opted to do so.

Nevada: The Nevada Supreme Court has rejected a challenge by Republican Sharron Angle to the state's plan to hold next month's election by mail.

New Hampshire: A New Hampshire state court has largely rejected a lawsuit seeking to have election officials count mail ballots postmarked by Election Day, prepay postage, provide drop boxes, and allow third-party ballot collection.

New Jersey: A federal judge has rejected a Trump campaign challenge to New Jersey's plan to conduct next month's election by mail. Plaintiffs had specifically challenged provisions that allow election officials to start counting ballots up to 10 days before Election Day, and to accept ballots that lack a postmark up to two days after Election Day.

North Carolina: A federal judge has temporarily blocked a settlement approved by a North Carolina state court between voting rights advocates and the state Board of Elections requiring that ballots postmarked by Election Day and received within nine days be counted. The agreement also effectively waived a requirement that absentee voters have their ballots witnessed.

Ohio: A federal district court has overruled Republican Secretary of State Frank LaRose's recent directive barring counties from setting up more than one location for voters to drop off their absentee mail ballots, which LaRose instituted shortly after a state appellate court ruled last week that he was allowed but not required to let counties operate multiple locations. LaRose immediately appealed the federal ruling to the 6th Circuit Court of Appeals.

LaRose's attempt to limit mail ballot dropoff options to just one per county regardless of population size would disproportionately hurt Democrats if allowed to go forward, since Ohio's biggest counties lean Democratic while the smallest ones overall favor Republicans. It would also harm Black voters, since most live in large urban counties.

South Carolina: The Supreme Court has overturned a 4th Circuit Court of Appeals ruling that had suspended the witness requirement for absentee mail ballots, ruling that it was too close to Election Day to make such changes under a principle designed to avoid voter confusion, but this ruling may just do that very thing.

In its Oct. 5 decision, the court held that those who had already voted by mail—more than 150,000 ballots had already been mailed out and an unknown number returned—could still have them count if they lacked a witness signature but were received by election officials no later than Oct. 7. However, in light of the Trump administration's effort to sabotage postal delivery service to stymie mail voting, voters could have legally mailed a valid vote days before the ruling only for it to arrive after the Oct. 7 deadline and thus be rejected.

Three of the most right-wing justices on the court—Samuel Alito, Neil Gorsuch, and Clarence Thomas—would have gone even further and thrown out even votes cast before the ruling came down if they lacked a witness signature.

Separately, voting rights advocates have filed two additional federal lawsuits seeking to expand voting access. The first one aims to require officials to notify voters and give them a chance to fix purported problems with their mail ballot signature. The second seeks an extension of South Carolina's Oct. 4 voter registration deadline, noting that the pandemic has upended normal avenues for voter registration activity.

Tennessee: A federal district court has temporarily blocked a GOP-backed law that required certain newly registered voters to present a photo ID in-person to be able to vote by mail, ordering GOP officials to allow such voters who registered by mail to include a photocopy of their ID with their mail ballot instead. This law was likely to make it more burdensome for groups such as college students, who may not be on campus due to the pandemic, to exercise their right to vote.

Texas: Texas' all-Republican state Supreme Court has issued a ruling blocking officials in Harris County, the state's largest, from sending mail ballot applications to all 2.4 million registered voters. The court ruled that the county couldn't mail applications to those beyond just voters age 65 and up, who had already been sent an application and are the only ones allowed to vote by mail without a non-COVID excuse.

Meanwhile, voting rights advocates have filed a second federal lawsuit and a new state-level lawsuit over GOP Gov. Greg Abbott's recent order prohibiting counties from setting up more than one drop box to receive mail ballots. That decision may make it disproportionately harder for Democrats and voters of color to vote since they are heavily concentrated in a handful of massively populated counties such as Harris; Texas' smaller counties are overall much whiter and more Republican. Plaintiffs argue that the order violates equal protection and the state constitution's right-to-vote guarantee.

Wisconsin: A panel of three Republican-appointed judges on the 7th Circuit Court of Appeals has ruled 2-1 to reverse its earlier position and grant the GOP's request to stay a lower court decision that had ordered ballots to count if postmarked by Election Day and received by Nov. 9 and extended the deadline from Oct. 14 to Oct. 21 to register online or by mail (Wisconsin still allows in-person registration on Election Day).

Previously, this same panel had unanimously rejected the GOP's appeal on the grounds that Republican legislative leaders lacked the standing to represent the state on the basis of a prior state Supreme Court ruling. However, plaintiffs subsequently asked the Wisconsin Supreme Court to clarify that they did have standing, which the court's conservative majority did in a 4-3 ruling along ideological lines.

Consequently, the 7th Circuit panel sided with the GOP by saying it was too close to the election to change voting rules. However, Judge Ilana Rovner, a George H.W. Bush appointee, dissented by saying the majority's decision will cause "many thousands of Wisconsin citizens [to] lose their right to vote." She concluded her dissent, "Good luck and G-d bless, Wisconsin. You are going to need it." Democrats have not announced if they will appeal.

Overseas Voters: Civilian voters residing abroad who retain the right to vote in federal races in their last state of residence have filed a federal lawsuit against officials in Georgia, Kentucky, New York, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Texas, and Wisconsin seeking the right to vote electronically due to the pandemic and delays with postal delivery, which may be exacerbated by the Trump administration's efforts to sabotage the Postal Service.

Active duty military service members stationed abroad already have the ability to cast their ballots electronically via fax or email. Civilians abroad, meanwhile, can obtain but not return their ballots electronically. Plaintiffs argue that there's a considerable risk that their ballots will not arrive in time and that the significantly higher cost of sending mail from a foreign country can be prohibitive. While extending electronic voting to overseas civilians would be one way to ensure they aren't disenfranchised, election security experts have widely warned that internet voting presents critical security risks.

Voting Rights Roundup: Texas GOP launches attack on Dems and voters of color by limiting mail voting

LEADING OFF

Texas: On Thursday, Republican Gov. Greg Abbott issued an executive order that prohibited Texas' 254 counties from setting up more than one location for voters to drop off their absentee mail ballots regardless of population size, sparking a firestorm of condemnation and drawing a federal lawsuit from voting rights advocates seeking to block the move for discriminating against voters of color. With the Trump administration attempting to sabotage postal delivery and causing delays that risk ballots not arriving on time, in-person dropoff locations are a key alternative for ensuring mail ballots count.

Abbott's move is a thinly veiled attack on voting access for the state's rapidly growing Black, Latino, and Asian American populations and the Democrats they support, since those groups are largely concentrated in just a handful of massively populated counties. Harris County (home to Houston) alone has nearly 5 million residents and would have only one location in a jurisdiction roughly the size of Delaware, and together with several other counties with populations over 1 million containing cities such as Dallas, Austin, and San Antonio, they hold a disproportionate share of the state's Democrats and voters of color.

By contrast, well over one hundred of the state's smallest counties have electorates that are overwhelmingly white and therefore strongly Republican, leading to vast partisan and racial disparities in the number of dropoff locations per capita—though this order will require GOP voters in sprawling rural counties to also travel larger distances to drop off their mail ballots if they vote that way. However, because Democrats may be much likelier to vote by mail thanks to Trump's demagoguery discouraging Republicans from doing so, Democrats will likely face much more difficulty than Republicans with casting their ballots thanks to this order.

Texas has been ground zero for voter suppression in 2020 just as it finally becomes a key battleground state for the first time in decades, and Democrats have a critical chance to flip the state House this fall and block Republicans from passing the most important congressional gerrymander of any state after the 2020 census. Republicans have so far successfully fought back lawsuits and preserved a requirement that voters under age 65 have a non-COVID excuse to vote by mail—elderly voters, of course, are much whiter and therefore more conservative than the electorate overall.

Houston and Harris County have been the focus of much of the GOP's efforts to restrict voting, and a state appeals court has rejected a separate GOP challenge to a plan by officials there to send absentee ballot applications to all registered voters. However, the county remains barred from mailing out ballots due to an earlier preliminary ruling by the Texas Supreme Court. A final ruling from the high court is expected soon.

Relatedly, Republican activists have filed an additional lawsuit asking the all-Republican state Supreme Court to limit in-person voting in Harris County by shortening the start of early voting from Oct. 13 to Oct. 19, even though Abbott himself had added the additional six days of early voting statewide, and they want to bar the county from accepting mail ballots in-person before Election Day instead of throughout the early voting period as is currently allowed. These same activists are also challenging Abbott's early voting order in a case that was filed last month and is pending before the state high court.

REDISTRICTING

Arkansas: A federal district court has refused to issue a preliminary injunction that would have blocked a state law that Republican officials and the conservative-dominated state Supreme Court had used to disqualify all of the signatures that redistricting reformers had submitted for a ballot initiative to create an independent redistricting commission. The federal court dismissed the case with prejudice, prompting proponents to give up on winning a 2020 ballot measure battle. Although the measure remains on the ballot, its votes won't be valid.

While redistricting reformers vowed to pursue another ballot initiative in a future election, this ruling means Republicans will get to gerrymander the state after 2020 for the first time since Reconstruction (if not ever). Even worse, it's a potentially fatal setback for the reform movement going forward because of a measure Republicans have themselves referred to November's ballot to effectively make it impossible to attempt future ballot initiatives without supermajority support that includes many white conservative voters.

The GOP's November ballot measure would amend Arkansas' constitution to require supporters meet the signature threshold in 45 of 75 counties instead of the current 15. However, because Democrats, Black voters, and a majority of the state's population overall are heavily concentrated in a minority of counties, this requires initiative proponents to obtain signatures in heavily white and therefore conservative counties, making it harder for progressives but not conservatives to put initiatives on the ballot.

VOTER SUPPRESSION

Arizona: The Supreme Court has agreed to take up Republicans' appeal of a 9th Circuit Court of Appeals ruling that had determined Republicans had intentionally discriminated against Native American, Latino, and Black voters by enacting restrictions on counting votes cast in the wrong precinct but in the right county, as well as limitations on who can turn in another person's absentee mail ballot on their behalf. These two consolidated cases have potentially enormous and dire implications for the future of the Voting Rights Act, which we will further detail in a future Roundup.

Michigan: A federal district court has ruled partially in favor of Democrats by temporarily blocking a lone-in-the-nation law prohibiting the use of paid transportation to the polls such as ride-hailing services and hired drivers, but the court refused to block another limitation preventing most third-parties from collecting voters' completed absentee ballots and delivering them to officials on those voters' behalf.

North Carolina: A GOP-majority panel of state Court of Appeals judges has ruled 2-1 along party lines to overturn a lower court ruling and uphold two constitutional amendments that Republicans had placed on the ballot in 2018, which were approved by voters, rejecting the NAACP's argument that the GOP legislature had lacked the authority to amend the state constitution because they had relied on unconstitutional gerrymanders that had been struck down and redrawn. The NAACP is appealing to the state Supreme Court, which has a 6-1 Democratic majority, to overturn the two amendments, which required voter ID and capped the maximum income tax rate.

Regardless, the voter ID requirement was already not in effect for 2020 due to separate federal and state litigation that temporarily blocked the implementing statute itself while those cases proceed on the merits.

Texas: The conservative-dominated 5th Circuit Court of Appeals has stayed a recent lower court ruling that would have blocked the GOP's repeal of the straight-ticket voting option for November, dealing a blow to voting access for Black and Latino voters, who are disproportionately likely to use the option, since the lack of the option means it will take much longer to fill out Texas' unusually long ballot and thus exacerbate voting lines.

Wisconsin: A federal district court has said it won't rule before the election on whether to curtail the GOP's limitation on the use of college IDs for satisfying the voter ID law, saying there is too little time left to resolve the issue without disrupting the election process.

Post Office: Three separate federal lower courts have issued rulings in recent weeks blocking the Trump administration from implementing changes to the U.S. Postal Service unilaterally in a manner that undermined service speed and reliability across the country over the summer. The courts ordered the post office to cease implementing changes such as limits on delivery trips and the removal of mailboxes and sorting machines. Additionally, one court ordered that election mail be prioritized and overtime requests be pre-approved for the two weeks surrounding Election Day.

Trump's postmaster general, major GOP donor Louis DeJoy, had ordered changes intended to sabotage the post office's ability to handle a historic surge in mail voting as a way to disenfranchise mail voters, who are largely Democratic thanks to Democratic concerns about the pandemic and Trump's demagoguery discouraging GOP voters from following suit at a similar rate. TIME reported that one of those changes was the post office's failure to update 1.8 million address changes, meaning thousands of voters may not receive their ballots at the correct address.

It's unclear, though, whether these court rulings will eliminate the service delays that began appearing after DeJoy's appointment earlier this year. Consequently, voters should strongly consider wearing a mask to go vote early in-person if they deem it safe enough, but if they plan to vote by mail, they should return their ballot by mail no later than two weeks before Election Day. Better yet, voters should return their mail ballots in-person at a drop box, polling place, or their local elections office where allowed by state law to avoid mail delivery delays entirely.

FELONY DISENFRANCHISEMENT

Florida: Former New York City Mayor Mike Bloomberg and his allives have fundraised $16 million to pay off the fines of nearly 32,000 Black and Latino voters with felony convictions in response to Florida Republicans passing a modern-day poll tax by requiring people with felony convictions to pay off court fines and fees before regaining their voting rights, even though the state can't even tell countless affected individuals how much money they owe. The plaintiffs' expert witness estimated that roughly 43% of the 775,000 people barred from voting were Black, meaning this group likely leans decidedly Democratic compared to those who don't owe court costs.

The ultra-wealthy Bloomberg has committed $100 million to helping Joe Biden win Florida, and his effort is intended to blunt the racial and partisan discrimination behind the GOP's poll tax by only focusing on Black and Latino voters, since they're much likelier to lean Democratic than whites. In response, Republican state Attorney General Ashley Moody asked federal law enforcement to investigate Bloomberg's group for potential election law violations, making this whole ordeal further harken back to the ugliness of the Jim Crow era, when law enforcement was routinely wielded as a cudgel against Black voting advocates.

North Carolina: Civil rights groups have filed a lawsuit in federal court seeking to block a state law making it a serious crime for people with felony convictions that render them disenfranchised to impermissibly vote before their rights are restored, even if it's unintentional, a move that comes after a state court recently struck down a law that required the payment of court fines and fees for certain people to be able to regain their voting rights.

2020 CENSUS

2020 Census: Late on Friday, the Justice Department announced it would go all the way to the Supreme Court if needed to overturn a flurry of recent lower court orders blocking the Trump administration's attempt to cut short the census' in-person counting operations. Earlier in the week, both the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals and a district court had ordered the census to continue counting up through its originally planned Oct. 31 deadline instead of ending operations at the end of September, leading to the Census Bureau making an announcement that it would comply on Friday shortly before the DOJ vowed to appeal.

ELECTION CHANGES

Alabama: A federal judge in Alabama has blocked the state's witness and photo ID requirements for mail-in voting this year for voters at higher risk from COVID-19. Republicans say they will appeal.

Alaska: Republican election officials, who previously sent absentee ballot applications to all voters 65 and older, have agreed to email voters who didn't receive applications as part of this mailing with instructions on how to vote by mail. Separately, the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals said it would not have time to resolve a challenge to the state's decision to favor seniors before the election, which a lower court previously rejected.

Arkansas: Voting rights advocates have filed a suit in federal court challenging the state's lack of signature cure options for mail voters.

Arizona: A federal judge has rejected a lawsuit asking that ballots from the Navajo Nation be counted if they are received after Election Day so long as they are postmarked by that date. Separately, voting rights group have filed a federal lawsuit seeking to extend Arizona's voter registration deadline from Oct. 5 to Oct. 27

Delaware: A state judge has ruled against a Republican lawsuit seeking to block Delaware's decision to conduct the November elections largely by mail.

Georgia: Two Trump-appointed judges on the 11th Circuit Court of appeals have reversed a ruling over the dissent of the panel's lone Democratic appointee to reinstate a requirement that mail ballots be received by officials no later than Election Day, overturning the lower court's decision that had allowed ballots to count if postmarked by Election Day and received within a few days afterward.

In a separate case, a federal district court judge has ruled that Georgia election officials must maintain paper backups of voter registration data at every polling site in order to prevent the sort of problems that plagued the state's June primary, when many electronic data systems failed and caused long lines in predominantly Black neighborhoods. Republicans asked the 11th Circuit Court of Appeals to overturn that ruling on Friday, too.

Illinois: A federal judge has rejected a Republican lawsuit seeking to block the state's expansion of mail voting for the November general election.

Indiana: A federal court has ordered Indiana to accept mail ballots postmarked by Election Day and received by Nov. 13. Republicans are reportedly expected to appeal. Separately, voting rights advocates say they will appeal a lower federal court ruling that rejected their request that all Indiana voters be allowed to request absentee ballots without an excuse instead of only elderly voters, who typically favor Republicans.

Finally, a federal judge has struck down a state law that allowed only county election boards the ability to seek longer voting hours in the event of problems at polling places. Now individual voters will have the power to seek redress in the courts over such issues.

Iowa: Iowa's conservative-dominated Supreme Court has sided with the Trump campaign against Democrats and let stand decisions that invalidated tens of thousands of absentee mail ballot request forms that voters had already submitted in populous Linn and Woodbury Counties, while a lower court tossed thousands of such applications from heavily Democratic Johnson County. The courts found that these applications, which local officials had sent with partially pre-filled information, violated state law and had to be re-sent to voters blank.

Relatedly, a lower state court has ruled against Democrats and Latino voter advocates by refusing to block the GOP's underlying law that makes it more difficult for election officials to administer absentee mail voting by prohibiting them from using the state's voter database to fill in missing information such as PIN for a voter's ID. Instead, officials must waste their limited time by having to contact potentially tens of thousands of such voters or more, risking some voters not getting mail ballots in time if at all.

Meanwhile, voting rights advocates have filed a lawsuit in state court challenging the GOP's restriction that only allows county election boards to set up ballot collection drop boxes on site at their offices. Plaintiffs want election officials to be able to establish drop boxes anywhere they see fit.

Louisiana: A federal judge has ordered Louisiana to reinstate the limited expansions to mail voting it established before the state's summer primaries for the November general election, which allowed those at greater risk for COVID-19 to request absentee ballots instead of only elderly voters and those with limited other excuses. Republican Secretary of State Kyle Ardoin says he will not appeal.

Maine: Maine's state Supreme Court, which is heavily composed of Democratic appointees, has rejected the GOP's request to suspend its late-September decision approving the use of instant-runoff voting for the presidency this November, meaning Maine will be the first state in history to use it for the Electoral College.

Michigan: A state court judge has ruled that Michigan must count mail ballots postmarked by Election Day and received within two weeks. The judge also blocked a law limiting the class of persons who can assist a voter in returning mail ballots; voters can now ask anyone to return their ballots.

Republicans are appealing the extension of the mail ballot return deadline, and they've also filed a separate suit in federal court challenging the ruling. In addition, they've filed a suit in state court challenging the ballot return assistance ruling.

Minnesota: Republican state Rep. Eric Lucero has filed a federal lawsuit challenging the state's decision to count ballots postmarked by Election Day and received a week later.

Mississippi: The conservative-heavy Mississippi Supreme Court has ruled that those at higher risk of contracting COVID-19 may not request absentee ballots. Separately, leaders in the state's Republican-run legislature say they will not take action to permit no-excuse absentee voting. Mississippi is one of just five states where voters need to present an excuse to request an absentee ballot for the November general election, and all five states exempt elderly voters from the requirement, a demographic that typically leans GOP.

Missouri: Voting rights advocates have filed a suit in federal court challenging a ban on returning mail ballots in person. They also want voters to be given the chance to cure any problems with mail ballots after they're cast. Separately, a state court judge has dismissed a lawsuit challenging the Missouri GOP's requirement that voters have their mail ballots notarized if they are under the age of 65. Two other lawsuits challenging the law are still pending.

Montana: The Montana Supreme Court, which lacks a reliable liberal or conservative majority, has blocked a law prohibiting third parties from collecting and returning mail ballots from voters. However, the justices overturned a lower court ruling that allowed ballots to count if postmarked by Election Day and received within a few days afterward, and another that would have given voters the opportunity to cure any problems with their ballots, ruling that it was too close to the election to make such changes without potentially confusing voters and creating administrative problems.

Separately, a federal court has rejected a Republican challenge to an order by Democratic Gov. Steve Bullock allowing local election officials to conduct the November election by mail. Counties that are home to 94% of Montana's population have chosen this option. Republicans are appealing.

Nevada: A federal judge has dismissed a lawsuit brought by the Trump campaign challenging Nevada Democrats' decision to hold the November election largely by mail.

New Jersey: A group of local Republicans have filed a lawsuit in state court challenging New Jersey Democrats' decision to hold the November election largely by mail.

New York: New York City's Board of Elections had to recently send out a hefty 100,000 replacement mail ballots after the vendor it used to supply ballot materials misprinted the envelopes sent to voters for them to place their ballots in. Numerous voters reported receiving envelopes with the wrong name and return address. While it was unclear how many erroneous envelopes were actually sent to voters or whether the problem extended beyond Brooklyn, the board went ahead with sending replacement ballots and envelopes to the up to 100,000 voters who may have been affected.

For voters who receive two ballots, only the second one should be sent in, and if a voter has already sent in the first ballot, only the second one would count if both are mailed. The replacement ballots also have a red mark that will be noted by the machines used to process them, and officials said they would try to contact voters by phone and email to alert them of the problem

The New York City board has been plagued by problems hurting voting access for years, and while Democrats have passed numerous reforms after gaining control of the state Senate in 2018, the long-troubled board (and its counterparts elsewhere in the state) is one area where they have yet to make major progress. Critics have long derided the system whereby the two major political party organizations select election board members as rife with corruption and patronage instead of encouraging apolitical professionalism.

Meanwhile, a state court judge has rejected a request from voting rights advocates that New York's voter registration deadline be shortened from 25 days before Election Day to just 10 days.

North Carolina: A state court has approved a settlement allowing officials to count ballots postmarked by Election Day and received by Nov. 12, leading GOP legislators to announce they would appeal. The agreement also makes it easier for voters to cure problems with their ballots and expands the availability of ballot return drop boxes. Separately, a federal court has blocked the Democratic-controlled state Board of Elections from issuing instructions saying election officials should count mail ballots received without a witness signature.

Ohio: A panel of judges on the state Court of Appeals has ruled that Republican Secretary of State Frank LaRose is allowed but not required to let counties set up more than one location for voters to drop off their absentee mail ballots this fall, reversing a recent lower court decision that had ordered LaRose to allow more than one location in each county. LaRose had claimed that state law prevented him from allowing more than one site per county, but Democrats have blasted him for misinterpreting the law to suppress votes, since more populous counties are disproportionately Democratic compared to smaller ones.

LaRose now faces a decision of whether to prove Democrats right by refusing to allow additional locations or work with the counties to set up extra drop boxes, though separate federal litigation remains ongoing that had been on hold until the state appeals court ruled. The federal court in that case had recently ordered LaRose to work with heavily Democratic Cuyahoga County, home to Cleveland, to set up additional ballot return locations.

Meanwhile, a state appeals court has rejected a request from Democrats in another lawsuit that Ohio officials allow voters to request absentee ballots online. Separately, the Republican-run legislative panel has voted down a proposal from LaRose to have the state pre-pay postage for mail ballots.

Oklahoma: A federal judge has dismissed a lawsuit brought by Democrats challenging Oklahoma's GOP-backed requirement that mail voters have their ballots notarized or include a photocopy of their ID.

Oregon: Oregon election officials have issued advice on how to vote for those displaced by the recent wildfires that have ravaged the states. Most importantly, voters have until Oct. 13 to designate a temporary address at which they will be sent a mail ballot.

Pennsylvania: The Pennsylvania Supreme Court, which has a Democratic majority, has ruled that election officials must count ballots postmarked by Election Day and received by the Friday after. In addition, the court ruled that local officials may set up ballot return drop boxes and also affirmed a ban on poll-watchers working in counties other than those they are registered to vote in. Republicans are appealing.

The court also ruled that so-called "naked" mail ballots wouldn't count, leading election officials are warning that up to 100,000 voters could be disenfranchised without adequate voter outreach. Such ballots are mail ballots contained only inside the outer envelope that contains the return address information, but the court's ruling requires that all mail ballots be inserted into a second "privacy envelope" that goes inside the larger return-address envelope. During the primary, such "naked ballots" were counted, risking further voter confusion this fall.

Consequently, Democrats launched TV ads in Philadelphia to warn voters about how to avoid the problem there, and three women running for state and county legislative offices in the Pittsburgh area used photos of themselves "naked" (the photos were censored with graphics of ballot materials) in a public service announcement that went viral on social media to raise awareness about the problem.

Separately, Democratic Secretary of State Kathy Boockvar has informed election officials that they may not reject mail ballots solely based on alleged signature mismatches, settling a suit with voting rights advocates.

South Carolina: The 4th Circuit Court of Appeals, sitting en banc, has blocked South Carolina from requiring that absentee ballots be signed by a sitness. Republicans have asked the Supreme Court for an emergency stay of the ruling.

Separately, Republican Gov. Henry McMaster has signed a bill allowing all voters to request an absentee ballot for the November election, much as the state did for its primaries earlier this year.

Wisconsin: A three-judge panel of the 7th Circuit Court of Appeals has upheld a lower court ruling ordering Wisconsin election officials to count mail ballots so long as they are postmarked by Election Day and received by Nov. 9. Republicans are seeking an en banc review by the full 7th Circuit.

Additionally, Republicans and the 7th Circuit judges separately made requests asking the state Supreme Court to clarify a July ruling that limited the ability of Republican lawmakers to intervene in litigation, which the state court on Friday agreed to do. The 7th Circuit had relied on the state court's prior ruling in rejecting the GOP's challenge.

Separately, voters in the heavily Democratic state capital of Madison have filed a lawsuit asking a state court judge to affirm the validity of a recent event where city officials received more than 10,000 mail ballots in public parks across the city. Officials plan to hold similar events again, but Republicans have threatened litigation of their own to block them.

Vermont: A federal court has dismissed a Republican lawsuit challenging Vermont's plan to conduct the November election largely by mail.

Trump pushes school privatization but keeps public schools' biggest foe hidden from sight

Education Sec. Betsy DeVos has spent her life—and lots of her family’s money—pushing to destroy public education. And now the coronavirus pandemic is giving the Trump administration a tool to do just that, but DeVos is being all but erased from the public effort.

“School choice,” or, in translation, funneling public money away from public schools and into private schools and privately run charter schools that don’t have to follow the same rules as public schools, was a centerpiece of the Republican National Convention (RNC). Donald Trump talked about it—lying about Democratic nominee Joe Biden’s position on charter schools—as did Melania and Don Jr., among other speakers.

But while “school choice” was everywhere at the RNC, DeVos was entirely absent, not even included in a video about women in the Trump administration. That’s a decision. Not “we didn’t have time to include her as a convention speaker” but an intentional omission of one of the highest-ranking women in the administration.

DeVos may be a particularly unappealing messenger with her yachts and mansions and fumbling about “potential grizzlies.” But it’s also worth thinking about how much Team Trump is trying to use the pandemic as a stealth attack, separating DeVos’ relatively unpopular longtime efforts against public schools from the push to replace public schools with privatized options in this specific pandemic moment. The coronavirus is a chance to rebrand school privatization away from Betsy DeVos, presenting it as an answer to a specific problem now.

That two-pronged attack—the longstanding one built on DeVos’ money and the current one masquerading as a solution to a new problem—is powerful. This is an existential crisis for public education. But don’t mistake the idea that privatized education is the answer to the coronavirus crisis for anything but the same old assault on the public good of an education system that serves all kids.

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Voting Rights Roundup: Judge tosses GOP's deceptive summary of measure to gut redistricting reform

LEADING OFF

 Missouri: A state court has thrown out the GOP's ballot summary for a constitutional amendment that Republicans placed on November's ballot to gut a reform voters enacted in 2018 to make legislative redistricting fairer, ruling that the GOP's language was deceptive and calling it "the exact evil the summary statement is meant to combat, not promote." The court rewrote the summary to more accurately convey that the measure would repeal a key part of the 2018 reform proposal, leading the GOP to promptly file an appeal.

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Trump's personal autopsy of his own reelection bid concludes America needs more Trump

Donald Trump has reportedly taken stock of the current state of his reelection bid and, according to the AP, knows just what it needs—a heck of a lot more Trump magic, if you will.

And after the White House brought in a new press secretary, Kayleigh McEnany, to breathe some life back into the press briefings, Trump has decided to upstage her, often giving his own briefings on the same days that make hers practically irrelevant.

Trump also took no part in the negotiations over the latest coronavirus relief package, leaving Treasury Secretary Steve Mnuchin to quibble over the details and then letting intellectual lightweight and White House chief of staff Mark Meadows blow it up.

But once the White House had thoroughly destroyed the opportunity to shore up American workers, the economy, and the nation's most vulnerable, Trump swooped in to sign a bunch of empty executive orders and then congratulate himself on his own success.

None of this means that Trump has any real agenda or strategy. In fact, in consecutive questions over the past few months, Trump has proven entirely unable to provide a vision for his second term, name any policy goals, and/or offer any strategy whatsoever for the agenda he can neither name nor envision.

But as bad as the idea of more, more, more Trump sounds, the good news is: It's an absolute political loser for him. His approvals started on their downward trajectory in March after America got an up close and personal look at him during the coronavirus briefings, and the ratings have never recovered.

In fact, as noted in my column last weekend, one GOP strategist watched women who voted for Trump in 2016 turn against him in real time during those March briefings. Sarah Longwell, a Trump critic, has been conducting regular focus groups with these female voters for several years and they were completely repelled by Trump's conduct in those briefings.

So while more Trump is sure to be psychologically toxic, it will also work against him at the polls. The more people see of Trump, the less they like him. He's impossibly horrid, especially in bulk.

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Voting Rights Roundup: Iowa at last becomes final state to end its total ban on voters with felonies

LEADING OFF

 Iowa: On Wednesday, Republican Gov. Kim Reynolds issued an executive order automatically restoring voting rights for citizens who have completed felony sentences, including parole or probation, except for those convicted of homicide offenses. As a result, Reynolds' order means that Iowa is no longer the only state in the country to ban people convicted of any felony from ever voting again (barring individual intervention by the governor), though people convicted of certain felonies are still permanently disenfranchised in Iowa and a handful of other states.

​​Importantly, Reynolds did not include what is effectively a poll tax requirement in her order even though she signed a law earlier this year that would have required affected citizens to pay off any court-ordered restitution to victims before regaining their rights. That law would only have come into effect if Senate Republicans had followed their House brethren in passing the constitutional amendment discussed above, but even if both chambers had approved it, they would have needed to do so again and voters would have had to pass it in a 2022 referendum before it could become law.

While Iowa is no longer the only state to impose an automatic lifetime ban on voting for any felony conviction, it will remain one of the most restrictive states. A number of other states in recent years have moved to restore voting rights to everyone not currently incarcerated, and they've generally enshrined these restorations in state law; this order, by contrast, could always be rolled back by a future governor. However, Reynolds' order for now mitigates an injustice that has had a sharply disparate impact on Black voters: A 2016 Sentencing Project analysis estimated that 1 in every 10 African Americans was disenfranchised, five times the rate of everyone else.

2020 CENSUS

 2020 Census: Confirming last week's bombshell report, the Census Bureau announced that it would conclude its counting efforts a month sooner than scheduled, ending its efforts to contact people who haven't yet filled out the census on Sept. 30 instead of Oct. 31. As we recently explained, rushing the end of counting efforts while the pandemic has only made the census more difficult risks creating a massive undercount of communities of color, a hallmark of Donald Trump's ongoing efforts to weaponize the census against Democratic and Latino representation in redistricting.

ELECTION SECURITY

 Georgia: A federal district court on Friday rejected a request to block the use of Georgia's new electronic voting machines, which experts have argued pose security vulnerabilities, and instead require hand-filled paper ballots. The judge noted that the plaintiffs had filed their motion before the pandemic prompted Republican Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger to postpone the March 24 primary to June 9 and therefore were unable to include evidence regarding the machines' use in an actual election.

However, the court did allow the plaintiffs to continue pressing their claims by buttressing their case with information from the June 9 election, which the plaintiffs have indicated they will do. Last week, the same judge largely rejected the GOP's motion to dismiss this case.

While the suit proceeds over the new voting machines, the plaintiffs have also filed a motion to require paper backups for the electronic poll books that are used to verify whether a voter at a particular polling place has voted already, citing widespread failures in the June primary as a major contributor to long voting lines.

REDISTRICTING

 Arkansas: Backers of an initiative to create an independent redistricting commission have announced that they have filed 50,000 more signatures to place their measure on the November ballot, on top of the 100,000 they had already submitted.

Last month, the Arkansas Supreme Court gave organizers a 30-day extension to collect more signatures while it reviews their appeal of GOP Secretary of State John Thurston's decision to reject all of their signatures as allegedly invalid. Thurston contends that signature-gatherers for this initiative, as well as a separate measure to adopt a form of instant-runoff voting, had not "passed" background checks even though the groups certified that they had "acquired" such checks.

If Thurston's decision is overturned, redistricting reformers should have a sufficient cushion to ensure that at least 89,000 of their signatures are valid statewide, as well as a number equivalent to 5% of the votes cast in the last gubernatorial election in at least 15 of Arkansas' 75 counties.

A federal appeals court had recently overturned a lower court ruling allowing supporters to gather signatures without them needing to be witnessed in-person, which would let voters sign petitions at home and mail them in. Plaintiffs have not indicated whether they would appeal that decision, but their effort to move ahead with traditional signature collection indicates they do not view it as a prohibitive obstacle.

ELECTION CHANGES

Please bookmark our litigation tracker for a complete summary of the latest developments in every lawsuit regarding changes to elections and voting procedures as a result of the coronavirus.

 California: Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom has signed a law allowing counties to consolidate polling places, particularly by adding larger sites that are better equipped for social distancing. In exchange, counties must offer more in-person early voting days, and if officials do consolidate voting sites, they must still maintain at least one polling place for every 10,000 registered voters, and they must be open for Election Day and the three days preceding it. Counties are furthermore required to set up one drop box for mail ballots for every 15,000 registered voters in the four weeks before Election Day.

California is mailing a ballot to every registered voter for the first time this November. However, in-person voting and mail ballot-return options that don't rely on the U.S. Postal Service are critical given both the difficulties mail voting poses for some voters as well as the Trump administration's efforts to sabotage postal delivery service by creating delays.

 Georgia: Georgia Democrats have filed a federal lawsuit seeking to prevent a repeat of the long voting lines that plagued the June primary by requiring a host of improvements, including: more polling places; emergency paper ballots in case Georgia's new electronic voting machines malfunction; paper backups of the voter registration rolls at polling places in case electronic poll books fail to work, as they did in in many cases in June; more training for poll workers; and more technicians to fix potential problems with voting equipment.

 Ohio: Ohio Democrats have filed a lawsuit in state court seeking to require officials to allow voters to apply for absentee mail ballots by fax or email instead of having to submit applications by mail. Republican Secretary of State Frank LaRose said that he thinks electronic applications are a good idea but claims that he lacks the authority to enable them without the approval of the Republican-run state legislature. LaRose is already planning to mail applications to all voters for this fall, but such a mailing will invariably fail to reach some voters.

 Pennsylvania: Voting rights advocates have filed a federal lawsuit seeking to require Pennsylvania to notify voters and give them a chance to fix problems with their mail ballots that could cause them to be rejected, such as a non-matching signature. Separately, Democrats are waging an ongoing lawsuit in state court seeking this change and several others to expand mail voting access.

 Virginia: Virginia's bipartisan state Board of Elections has unanimously agreed to add so-called "intelligent" barcodes to all mail ballot envelopes so that voters and election officials will be able to track them as they go through the mail system. Additionally, the board passed another rule saying that ballots received by noon on the third day after an election and have an illegible or missing postmark must nevertheless be counted, since the U.S. Postal Service is supposed to postmark ballots but hasn't always been doing so.

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Voting Rights Roundup: Pennsylvania GOP aims to gerrymander the court that blocked their gerrymander

LEADING OFF

 Pennsylvania: Republican legislators have passed a constitutional amendment out of both legislative chambers that would effectively gerrymander the Pennsylvania Supreme Court and two intermediate appellate courts. This move is a retaliation against the high court, which has a Democratic majority, after the justices struck down the GOP's congressional gerrymander in 2018 and replaced it with a much fairer map in a historic ruling establishing that gerrymandering violated the state constitution's guarantee of "free and equal" elections.

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Voting Rights Roundup: Conservative judges deal twin setbacks to democracy in two Wisconsin cases

LEADING OFF

 Wisconsin: Conservative judges in two separate Wisconsin cases decided in the last two weeks have handed down decisions reinforcing Republican efforts to entrench themselves in power and leaving Democrats with little recourse to reform the status quo.

​​In their lame-duck session, Republicans passed legislation that removed key powers from both Evers and Kaul and transferred them to lawmakers. Most notably, Republicans took away Evers' ability to appoint members of several state boards and agencies. They also usurped Kaul's authority to decide whether to approve court settlements and whether the state should even defend lawsuits like those challenging voter suppression and gerrymandering. And they slashed early voting availability, although that move had been put on hold until the recent 7th Circuit ruling.

The Supreme Court upheld the laws stripping powers from Evers and Kaul, an unsurprising decision given the court's ruling last year that rejected a challenge to the legality of the entire lame-duck session itself. These decisions, along with one in April that blocked Evers from postponing elections that month to avoid exposing voters to coronavirus, cement the court's Republican-aligned majority as one of the most partisan in the nation—one that has willingly facilitated GOP legislators' attempt to reject the legitimacy of Democratic victories in 2018.

Meanwhile, in the voter ID case, the court revived a limit of two weeks for early voting, which had been allowed for as long as six weeks in some parts of the state. The judges also restored a requirement that voters maintain residency for at least 28 days to be able to vote at a given location, even if they've moved from elsewhere within the state. Voters with fewer than 28 days of residency would have to vote at their previous address.

In addition, the court barred the state from letting most voters receive an absentee ballot by fax or email so that they can print them out and return them by mail, even though military and overseas voters are permitted to do so. Multiple federal courts have also temporarily allowed blind voters in other states to obtain ballots this way due to the pandemic.

Most ominously, the judges, all of whom were appointed by Republicans, implied that any manipulation of election laws for partisan gain was constitutional even for laws that potentially discriminate against voters based on race. "If one party can make changes that it believes help its candidates, the other can restore the original rules or revise the new ones," they wrote, even though the very purpose of such laws is to make it impossible for the disadvantaged party to regain control.

This reasoning is the logical extension of the U.S. Supreme Court's 2019 decision prohibiting all federal challenges to partisan gerrymandering. If adopted by other courts, especially the Supreme Court, it would be open season for lawmakers to all but rig elections outright.

The ruling, however, was not a complete defeat for the plaintiffs. The 7th Circuit did uphold a decision letting college students use expired university IDs, as well as a prohibition on requiring schools to share citizenship information with the state. The judges gave the lower courts a chance to rewrite their now-invalidated injunctions to give voters who lack an ID the ability to easily get one, though that may be easier said than done especially because of the pandemic. The plaintiffs have not yet indicated whether they will appeal.

In a third recent case, the Wisconsin Supreme Court opted not to expedite an appeal by conservative activists who are trying to compel the state to purge roughly 129,000 voter registrations. The court won't hear the case at least until Sept. 29, when progressive Judge Jill Karofsky will have replaced conservative Justice Dan Kelly following her victory in April's election.

The timing matters because with Kelly still in office, conservatives would likely have had at least a 4-to-3 majority in favor of ordering the purge. However, once Karofsky takes her seat, conservative Justice Brian Hagedorn will most probably decide the fate of this lawsuit. Earlier this year, he sided with the progressive minority in declining to expedite the case, though it's unclear which way Hagedorn leans on the merits of the case. Even if the court permits the purge, such a decision may come too late to affect the November general election.

BALLOT MEASURES

 Arkansas: Redistricting reformers have submitted approximately 99,000 signatures to place an amendment on November's ballot to establish an independent redistricting commission. About 89,000 signatures must be found valid, including an amount equivalent to 5% of the votes cast in the last gubernatorial election in at least 15 of Arkansas' 75 counties.

Submitting only 10,000 more signatures than the minimum needed gives the initiative's backers less margin for error than is typically advised for such an effort, and even supporters estimate that only around 75,000 of their signatures are probably valid. However, Arkansas gives organizers one additional month to gather signatures if their initial submission includes valid signatures equivalent to 75% of the total needed both statewide and in at least 15 counties.

Supporters are waging an ongoing federal lawsuit seeking to suspend a requirement that initiative petition signatures be witnessed or notarized in-person. A lower court had temporarily blocked the requirement, allowing voters to sign petitions at home and mail them in, but the 8th Circuit Court of Appeals granted a short-term stay of that ruling last month while it decides whether to issue a lengthier stay while the GOP's appeal proceeds.

Separately, electoral reform supporters have submitted roughly 95,000 signatures for a different constitutional amendment that would establish a "top-four" primary. Under this system, all candidates regardless of party would compete on a single primary ballot, with the top four finishers advancing to a general election that would be decided by instant-runoff voting.

 Massachusetts: Supporters of a ballot initiative that would enact a statute implementing instant-runoff voting in congressional and state elections have submitted nearly double the 13,000 additional signatures needed to qualify for November's ballot. As a result, it's likely that voters will have a chance to decide whether to make Massachusetts the second state after Maine to adopt this reform for all state and federal races, aside from the presidency.

 North Dakota: Supporters of a ballot initiative that would amend North Dakota's constitution to reform redistricting and its electoral system have submitted some 37,000 signatures to qualify for the November ballot, 27,000 of which must be valid. Officials will determine by Aug. 10 whether the measure has qualified.

As we've previously detailed, this measure would replace traditional primaries with a "top-four" system where the four candidates with the most support would advance to the general election regardless of party. From there, instant-runoff voting would be used to determine the winner. Additionally, the measure would require that any voting machines create a paper record of every vote—North Dakota currently uses paper ballots by default and voting machines for voters with disabilities—and that the secretary of state conduct routine audits of elections.

The other major change would remove the Republican-dominated legislature's control over state legislative redistricting (North Dakota only has a single congressional district, which covers the entire state). The proposal would hand redistricting over to the state Ethics Commission, which voters created with a 2018 ballot initiative. The commission's five members are chosen by unanimous agreement of the governor and the majority and minority leaders of the state Senate; they would draw maps using several nonpartisan criteria.

 San Francisco, CA: The San Francisco Board of Supervisors has unanimously voted to put a referendum on the ballot this November that would amend the city's charter to lower the voting age to 16 in local elections.

Voters narrowly rejected a similar proposal 52-48 in a 2016 referendum, but if they pass the measure this time, San Francisco would become the first major city in the country to lower the voting age, though a few small localities in Maryland already allow 16-year-olds to vote in local elections.

Relatedly, all California voters will also get a chance to decide on another November referendum that would amend the state constitution to let 17-year-olds vote in primary elections for all levels of government if they will turn 18 by the time of the general election, a policy that a number of states already allow.

REDISTRICTING

 Michigan: A federal district court has dismissed a Republican-backed lawsuit challenging the constitutionality of Michigan's new independent redistricting commission that voters passed at the ballot box in 2018. This ruling follows a GOP loss in April before a panel of three judges on the GOP-heavy 6th Circuit Court of Appeals, which had unanimously upheld the lower court's refusal to temporarily block the law creating the commission while the case proceeded on the merits.

Republicans had been challenging the new commission in two lawsuits that were consolidated into a single set of proceedings. One lawsuit argued that the new commission violated Republicans' First Amendment rights to free speech and association and their 14th Amendment right to equal protection because it imposes prohibitions on who may serve as a commissioner.

Republicans argued in the other lawsuit that the process for selecting commissioners violates the GOP's First Amendment rights to freedom of association by preventing political parties from picking their own commissioners. The appeals court rejected both arguments by citing Supreme Court precedent enabling prohibitions on certain individuals serving on the commission, a decision the district court cited in its own ruling.

The Republican plaintiffs have not yet announced whether they will appeal but said they are considering their options.

 New Jersey: Democratic lawmakers in New Jersey have introduced a constitutional amendment that would delay the implementation of new legislative districts from 2021 until 2023 and keep the current districts in place if the Census Bureau is unable to deliver the data from the 2020 census needed to draw new districts on time next year. The Trump administration has already told Congress that it doesn't expect to be able to meet its early 2021 deadlines because of the pandemic and requested a new deadline of July 31. The proposed amendment would come into effect if the census doesn't certify New Jersey's data by Feb. 15.

Democrats hold the three-fifths supermajorities needed to put the amendment on the ballot without any GOP support, although voters would have to approve it in November for it to take effect. If no amendment passes, however, and the state is unable to meet its deadlines mandated under its constitution, it's unclear what exactly would happen except that litigation would be a certainty.

New Jersey has a bipartisan redistricting commission appointed by legislative and state party leaders, and in past decades, a court-appointed tiebreaker has chosen between maps proposed by the two parties rather than draw their own lines. After the 2010 census, the tiebreaking member selected the Democratic proposal, leading the GOP to blast this proposed amendment as a power grab, although common statistical measures find no unfair advantage for Democrats under the current map.

FELONY DISENFRANCHISEMENT

 District of Columbia: The D.C. Council has once again passed a bill to completely eliminate felony disenfranchisement as part of a larger package of police reforms, repealing and replacing the version it passed last month over what the lead sponsor called "relatively minor tweaks," sending the latest legislation to Mayor Muriel Bowser for her expected signature.

The bill would immediately restore voting rights for several thousand citizens and would require officials to provide incarcerated citizens with registration forms and absentee ballots starting next year. However, because it is emergency legislation, it must be reauthorized after 90 days, though Council members plan to make it permanent soon.

Once Bowser signs the bill, D.C. would become only the third jurisdiction in the country after Maine and Vermont to maintain the right to vote for incarcerated citizens. It would also be the first place to do so with a large community of color: The District is 46% African American, and more than 90% of D.C. residents currently disenfranchised are Black.

 Florida: Voting rights advocates have asked the Supreme Court to overturn a recent stay by the 11th Circuit Court of Appeals of a lower court ruling that had struck down the Florida GOP's poll tax on citizens who have served their felony sentences but owe court fines or fees. If it's put back into effect, the district court's ruling would pave the way for approximately 800,000 citizens who couldn't pay off Florida's predatory court costs to regain their voting rights, a group of citizens that is disproportionately Black.

Separately, the 11th Circuit scheduled a hearing on the merits of the case for Aug. 18, the very same day as Florida's statewide primary and nearly a month after the July 20 voter registration deadline for that election, ensuring that affected voters will be unable to vote in that election if the Supreme Court doesn't intervene.

BALLOT ACCESS

 Minnesota: Minnesota officials have announced that they will not appeal a federal district court ruling from June that issued a preliminary injunction blocking a state law that would have listed Democrats last on the ballot in every partisan contest statewide in November after national Democrats sued. The court said that ballot order will be determined randomly for 2020, though the state's agreement with plaintiffs would give lawmakers a chance to change the law legislatively next year before the case proceeds further. As we've previously explained, being listed higher on the ballot can give candidates a modest boost, particularly in less-salient downballot races.

VOTER SUPPRESSION

 Indiana: Voting rights advocates have filed a federal lawsuit that challenges the constitutionality of a law that Republicans passed in 2019 to prohibit voters, parties, and candidates from asking a court to keep polling locations open past 6 PM local time on Election Day if there are problems with voting. Under current law, only bipartisan county election boards can ask a court to extend polling hours, and only after a unanimous vote.

The plaintiffs argue that this law violates the First and 14th Amendments and has a disparate impact on Black and Latino voters. Alongside Kentucky, Indiana is the only state that closes its polls at 6 PM on Election Day (all others close 7 PM or later), and this early closure makes it difficult to vote for people who work on Election Day or are caregivers for children or family members.

 Iowa: Republican Gov. Kim Reynolds has signed a budget bill into law that makes Iowa's voter ID regime more onerous and makes absentee voting more cumbersome for election officials to facilitate despite an expected surge in mail voting due to the pandemic.

The law adds a new requirement that voters present ID if they go to their county government offices to vote early in-person. A second provision requires absentee ballot applications to include the voter's "voter ID PIN," a state-issued four-digit number that few voters are likely aware of.

In addition, under the state's previous laws, county officials could verify voter identities using other information on their applications or the state's registration database, but this new law disallows that. Instead, officials would have to contact the voter individually to confirm their identity, which could cause significant delays in processing absentee requests and lead to voters not receiving their ballots in time to vote by mail.

 Montana: A state court has issued a preliminary injunction blocking a GOP-supported law that makes it a crime for most Montanans to turn in another person's absentee mail ballot, ruling in favor of the Native American advocates who brought a suit arguing that the statute violates the state constitution. The court had previously blocked the law on a short-term basis days before the June 2 primary, but this latest ruling suspends the law until the judge can issue a final ruling on the law, which may not happen until after November's elections.

The law in question was approved by voters in 2018 after Republican legislators placed it on the ballot to circumvent a veto from Democratic Gov. Steve Bullock. It makes it a felony to turn in someone else's absentee ballot unless the person doing so is the voter's family member, caregiver, household member, or acquaintance, and even those individuals may turn in no more than six others' absentee ballots. Only postal workers and election officials are fully exempt.

Montana is one of a few states that lets voters opt into permanently receiving an absentee mail ballot in all elections, which is intended to make it easier to vote. In addition, the pandemic prompted officials to mail every voter a ballot for the June 2 primary, and mail voting is likely to be very popular in November. However, because many Native Americans living on remote reservations lack reliable postal service and access to transportation, many ask others who do not face such barriers to turn in their ballots for them.

Republican state Attorney General Tim Fox and Secretary of State Corey Stapleton have not yet indicated whether they will appeal, though the lead GOP sponsor of the law said he hoped that they would.

ELECTORAL COLLEGE

 Electoral College: On Monday, the U.S. Supreme Court rejected two legal challenges to the constitutionality of state laws prohibiting "faithless electors" in the Electoral College, ruling that states may enforce their laws that require the replacement of electors attempting to vote for a candidate other than the one whose slate they appeared on. Faithless elector bans are the law in 32 states and the District of Columbia, but only 15 states have provisions that actually enforce those bans by requiring faithless electors to be replaced with faithful ones.

The 10th Circuit Court of Appeals struck down Colorado's ban on faithless electors last year, but Washington's Supreme Court upheld its state's ban. The losers in both lawsuits had appealed to the Supreme Court, which ultimately upheld Washington's ruling and overturned the case out of Colorado.

Supporters of overturning faithless elector bans brought their cases in the hopes that victory would undermine public support for the Electoral College and lead to reforms abolishing it. However, justices such as Samuel Alito and Brett Kavanaugh raised concern that doing so would "lead to chaos" and a "massive campaign to try to influence electors" in a close election, which could open the door to corruption, blackmail, and potentially the disenfranchisement of voters.

Although the cases did not address the ongoing effort to reform the Electoral College by having states with a majority of electoral votes to pledge their electoral votes to the national popular vote winner, it may nevertheless neutralize one of the several potential legal threats to this project, known as National Popular Vote Interstate Compact. That's because the court validated the notion that the Constitution grants the states sweeping authority to determine how they award their electors, although other potential constitutional challenges remain if the compact attains enough member states to enter into effect.

ELECTIONS

 Mississippi: This fall, Mississippi voters will have their chance to repeal a provision of the state's Jim Crow-era constitution that deliberately penalizes Black voters and the Democrats they support in elections for statewide office. However, the proposed change could end up replacing one major hurdle for Democratic candidates with another.

Last week, Republican Gov. Tate Reeves signed a bill placing a constitutional amendment on the November ballot that would change the way the state conducts elections by eliminating Mississippi's version of the Electoral College, a key feature of the state's 1890 constitution that proponents openly announced was enacted "to secure to the State of Mississippi 'white supremacy.'"

The provision in question requires candidates for statewide offices such as governor or attorney general to win not only a majority of the vote but also a majority of the state House's 122 districts. If no candidate surpasses both thresholds, the members of the House choose the winner, and there's nothing to stop them from picking the person who lost the popular vote.

After Republicans took control of the legislature in 2011, they redrew their own districts to guarantee they'd never lose their grip on power. They did so by making sure a majority of districts would be heavily white and, therefore, heavily Republican. As a result, they not only gerrymandered the state House, they gerrymandered every statewide election, too. The effect was so pronounced that in last year's race for governor, which Democrat Jim Hood lost by 52-47, Hood would likely have had to win by 15 points just to have a shot at carrying 62 House districts.

This proposed amendment would no longer require candidates for statewide office to carry a majority of the state House districts, but it would mandate a separate general election runoff if no candidate earned a majority of the vote. Georgia has had a similar runoff law on the books for years, and those runoffs have consistently seen turnout plummet and hurt Democratic candidates. If Mississippi Republicans wanted to ensure candidates are elected with majority support, they could instead replace the current system with instant-runoff voting or another preferential voting system that would eliminate the need for a separate runoff election.

Even if this amendment fails to pass, it may not be the last word. Last year, a group of Black voters challenged this mini-Electoral College in federal court on the grounds that it violated the Constitution's guarantee of one person, one vote. While the judge who heard the case agreed, he put the suit on hold to give lawmakers time to correct the problem themselves. If they fail to, the judge said, he'd allow litigants to once more pursue their claims.

ELECTION CHANGES

Please bookmark our litigation tracker for a complete summary of the latest developments in every lawsuit regarding changes to elections and voting procedures as a result of the coronavirus.

 Colorado: The Colorado Supreme Court, which has a 6-1 majority of Democratic appointees, has unanimously overturned Democratic Gov. Jared Polis' executive order that had allowed ballot initiative supporters to gather voter signatures by mail or email, siding with the business groups that brought the case and reinstating a requirement that signatures be witnessed in-person. This ruling may make it impossible for some measures to qualify for the ballot ahead of the Aug. 3 deadline to submit signatures.

 Michigan: The 6th Circuit Court of Appeals has refused to stay a district court ruling that required Michigan to either lower the number of signatures needed to put initiatives on November's ballot or give supporters more time to gather them. The state has not yet indicated whether they will appeal the stay while the case proceeds on the merits.

 New Hampshire: Advocates for blind voters have filed a federal lawsuit arguing that New Hampshire makes it impossible for them to exercise their right to vote a secret ballot using an absentee ballot. They want the court to require that New Hampshire let voters with such disabilities use the same absentee voting system available to military and overseas voters, which allows voters to fill out their ballots using a computer and print them out to mail them in.

 New York: Civil rights advocates have filed a federal lawsuit objecting to New York's procedures for rejecting absentee ballots. They aim to avoid a repeat of 2018, when New York had the highest rate of rejected mail ballots in the country, with 14% of such ballots invalidated. The plaintiffs are challenging how ballots with problems such as a signature either missing or not matching the one on file are rejected without notifying voters. They want the state to require that voters be alerted and given a chance to remedy the problem in a timely manner.

 North Carolina: Voters who are suing North Carolina in state court to make it easier to vote absentee have amended their lawsuit to include a request for 21 extra days of in-person early voting. The case remains pending before a lower court.

Separately, the ACLU has filed a new lawsuit in state court to suspend the requirement that absentee voters have someone witness their ballot in-person. The GOP legislature with the support of Democrats passed a law earlier this year to require only one witness instead of two witnesses or a notary. However, even one required witness is more than most states mandate and has been waived by courts this year in other states with such requirements on their books.

 Oregon: Redistricting reformers announced on Wednesday that they had failed to obtain enough signatures by the July 2 deadline to put an initiative on the November ballot that would establish an independent redistricting commission. However, their campaign isn't over just yet thanks to a lawsuit that organizers filed in federal court shortly ahead of the deadline. The plaintiffs are asking the court to lower the number of signatures needed, which is currently about 150,000, and for an extension of the deadline to submit them.

Reformers did not reveal how many signatures they had already submitted to the state, only saying it was in the "tens of thousands." It's unclear whether they will be able to meet the requirements if only one or the other of their two requests are granted and not both, since they lack the ability to obtain signatures electronically and instead have to direct supporters to an online form that must be printed out and mailed in to officials.

 Pennsylvania: The Trump campaign and several Republican Congress members have filed a lawsuit in federal court seeking to prohibit counties from setting up drop boxes or locations aside from the county board office for voters to return their absentee mail ballots. They also want to bar officials from counting mail ballots that aren't placed in a secrecy envelope and allow Pennsylvanians to serve as poll watchers across the state regardless of which county they live in.

These provisions would add onerous burdens for mail voting access, and the measure on poll watchers in particular appears intended to encourage voter intimidation in urban communities of color in cities like Philadelphia. At one 2016 campaign rally, Trump listed several cities with large Black populations—including Philadelphia—and urged his supporters to volunteer as poll watchers in them.

 Puerto Rico: Governor Wanda Vázquez of the pro-statehood New Progressive Party (known by its Spanish acronym, PNP) signed a bill into law making changes to Puerto Rico's election code late last month only after lawmakers removed a contentious provision that would have enabled online voting for absentee voters this year and set the island on a path to transition entirely to universal online voting by 2028. Lawmakers removed the provision after election security experts expressed alarm at the major risk of hacking with such a system.

Vázquez's party passed the final bill over the objections of the pro-commonwealth Popular Democratic Party, or PPD, which is the island's other major party. The bill expanded early voting and eligibility for mail voting, but the PPD denounced it as a power grab. Opposition lawmakers claimed it would allow Puerto Ricans who've left the island for the mainland to vote absentee in an effort to bolster the PNP's support, which has been hurt by scandals that culminated in Vázquez's predecessor resigning last year.

 South Carolina: South Carolina's state Election Commission has announced that it will provide prepaid postage on all absentee ballots this year amid an ongoing federal lawsuit by Democrats seeking to ease access to absentee voting. Democrats are still challenging the requirement that voters must provide a valid excuse, which the GOP waived for the primaries but has left untouched for November.

 Tennessee: Republican officials announced that they plan to enforce parts of a 2019 law restricting absentee voting eligibility despite a recent state court ruling that allows all voters to cast an absentee ballot due to concerns over COVID-19. The law requires that newly registered voters who registered by mail, a voter registration drive, or public assistance offices must vote in-person the first time. Black voters in particular have been more likely to register through registration drives in recent years, exposing them to a disproportionate impact.

Republicans passed this restriction in 2019 in reaction to a 2018 surge in Black voter registrations. The law added criminal penalties to certain components of voter registration drives in an effort intended to make them all but impossible to conduct. While the GOP subsequently repealed some of those provisions regarding registration drives after a court ruling had curtailed them, other provisions of the law remain in effect, such as one that makes it a crime to pay workers based on the number of registrations they gather instead of paying them hourly or allowing them to volunteer.

However, the GOP's decision to enforce this in-person voting requirement for these registrants is not the final word, as the plaintiffs in the case that loosened the absentee voting restrictions are challenging this mandate as well. Republicans are currently appealing that ruling to the state Supreme Court, although the high court refused to stay the lower court's decision while the appeal proceeds.

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Voting Rights Roundup: Iowa GOP wants absentee voters to provide PIN that no one knows

LEADING OFF

 Iowa: With no advance notice, Republican legislators in Iowa passed a budget bill just before adjourning that included an expansion of the state's voter ID requirementviolating a compromise that the GOP had reached with Democrats to remove proposed voting restrictions from the final bill. The new bill adds an ID requirement for voters who go to their county government offices to vote early in-person.

Republican Gov. Kim Reynolds has not indicated whether she will sign the budget into law, but if she were to veto it, Republicans likely lack the votes to override her. However, in anticipation of the bill becoming law, prominent Democratic voting rights lawyer Marc Elias promised to sue.

WASHINGTON, D.C. STATEHOOD

 District of Columbia: On Tuesday, House Majority Leader Steny Hoyer announced that the full U.S. House will vote on granting statehood to Washington, D.C. on June 26. With a majority of House members already in support, Washington, D.C.’s statehood is expected to soon pass a chamber of Congress for the first time in U.S. history.

While Senate Republicans have vowed to block statehood for Washington, D.C. so long as they control the chamber, Senate Democrats are increasingly unified in support. In the weeks following George Floyd’s death at the hands of the Minneapolis police that sparked the wave of protests nationally, four Democrats—Michigan’s Debbie Stabenow and Gary Peters, Montana's Jon Tester, and Nevada’s Jacky Rosen—have all signed on as co-sponsors. As shown on this map, these new additions mean that 40 senators have now signed on, while just seven Democratic holdouts remain.

If Democrats win back the Senate in November, statehood supporters come within striking distance of a majority, especially since Democratic candidates who’ve come out in support of statehood—such as Montana’s Gov. Steve Bullock—could flip Republican-held seats. If Democrats eliminate the filibuster, it would only take a simple majority vote to admit Washington, D.C. as a state, and if statehood-supporter Joe Biden wins the White House and his vice president breaks a tie in favor, statehood would only need 10 more Senate votes to pass.

BALLOT MEASURES

 Maine: Republicans have submitted 72,000 signatures in their attempt to put a veto referendum on the ballot to block a law that extends instant-runoff voting to presidential elections (it would remain in use for Congress in November regardless). If approximately 63,000 of these signatures are determined valid within the next 30 days, instant-runoff voting will be automatically suspended for November's presidential election regardless of whether voters opt to keep the law at the ballot box this fall.

However, Republicans may yet fail in their quest to prevent instant-runoff voting from being used this year depending on the outcome of a lawsuit that instant-runoff supporters filed in state court earlier this spring. That lawsuit argues that it's too late for Republicans to use the veto referendum process instead of attempting to repeal the statute through a regular ballot initiative, the latter of which wouldn't suspend the law for November even if it qualified for the ballot.

 Massachusetts: Supporters of instant-runoff voting have submitted 25,000 additional signatures to qualify for November's ballot. In the likely event that at least 13,000 of them are valid, voters would get a chance to weigh in on whether to adopt instant-runoff voting for congressional and state offices, which would make Massachusetts the second state to adopt this electoral reform after Maine voters passed it through a 2016 ballot initiative.

 San Francisco, CA: San Francisco's Board of Supervisors has unanimously passed an amendment to the city's charter out of committee that would lower the voting age in city elections to 16. A majority of board members have already signaled their support, and once it clears a vote by the full board, it would appear on the November ballot. San Francisco voters narrowly rejected a similar proposal in 2016 by a 52-48 margin.

ELECTION SECURITY

 Delaware: Delaware officials have decided to abandon the use of an online voting system for absentee voters that the state had implemented for its July 7 presidential primary. Delaware had adopted the system in part to make it easier for disabled voters who can't easily vote by mail to be able to cast their ballots while maintaining their right to secrecy, but officials reversed course in the face of widespread opposition by computer security experts, who have broadly warned that no internet-based voting system is secure.

Although online voting is still novel in the U.S., interest has grown in the idea in recent years, and West Virginia implemented it for military and overseas voters in 2018. Subsequently, other states have begun considering such a system for voters with disabilities. However, Delaware is just the latest in a list of jurisdictions—including West Virginia—that have had second thoughts this year after hearing from security experts.

FELONY DISENFRANCHISEMENT

 Florida: The 11th Circuit Court of Appeals has agreed to expedite Republican Gov. Ron DeSantis' appeal of last month's district court ruling that struck down the GOP's poll tax on people who have served their felony sentences but owe court fines or fees, with oral arguments scheduled to begin the week of Aug. 10. DeSantis also asked the 11th Circuit, which now has a majority of GOP appointees, to hear the appeal "en banc" where all judges on the circuit participate, but the court has not addressed that request yet.

 Iowa: Republican Gov. Kim Reynolds promised this week to issue an executive order ending lifetime felony disenfranchisement in Iowa for people who have served their sentences after the Republican-run state Senate refused to pass a constitutional amendment to restore voting rights before they adjourned this month. Reynolds, however, declined to outline the specifics of what her order will entail, and given her track record on this issue, it's uncertain how extensive such an order might be, or even when it might be issued.

Reynolds and the state legislature passed a modern-day poll tax earlier this month, which Senate Republicans had sought as a precondition before they'd approve the rights restoration amendment. But even though the poll tax became law, the Senate didn't follow through on passing the amendment.

The poll tax, at least, will not take effect because it was contingent on the amendment itself becoming law, but it would have placed serious burdens on those seeking to have their voting rights restored. In particular, it would have maintained the ban on voting for people who have served their sentences but owe court-ordered restitution to victims. It also would have preserved the lifetime ban for those convicted of the most serious offenses, who would have still required the governor's individual approval to vote again.

The Iowa GOP's poor track record on the issue goes back years. Iowa's last two Democratic governors, Tom Vilsack and Chet Edwards, had both used executive orders to automatically restore voting rights upon the completion of sentences, but former Republican Gov. Terry Branstad rescinded that order upon taking office in 2011. After succeeding Branstad in 2017, Reynolds refused to issue her own order restoring voting rights despite pressure from activists and obstinacy from the Senate that made a legislative fix impossible to pass.

ELECTION CHANGES

 Nebraska: Due to their inability to gather voter signatures as a result of the coronavirus pandemic, redistricting reformers have reportedly given up on trying to put a constitutional amendment on the Nebraska ballot this November to create a bipartisan redistricting commission. The amendment would have created a nine-member commission of three Democrats, three Republicans, and three unaffiliated members chosen by legislators. Commissioners would have been tasked with drawing congressional and legislative districts using several nonpartisan criteria.

The failure to reform the redistricting process ensures that Republican legislators will have a large say in the process next year just as they did after 2010. However, it is unclear if Republicans will be able to gerrymander the lines once again because Nebraska has a strong legislative filibuster that would take a two-thirds supermajority to overcome. Republicans were able to surpass that threshold after 2010 but currently couldn't attain without Democratic votes.

Republicans could change the rules to curtail the filibuster with a simple majority and thus be assured of having full control over redistricting. However, given that they have not done so in recent years despite Democratic filibusters that have repeatedly defeated proposals like voter ID, it's unclear if the GOP will be able to muster the votes to change the rules next year.

 New Jersey: Democratic officials in New Jersey have agreed to settle a federal lawsuit over the state's signature-matching process for mail ballots. The settlement will have the state agree not to reject ballots for problems with a voter's signature either missing or not matching the one on file without notifying the voter and giving them a chance to correct the problem.

Giving voters the opportunity to fix signature problems took on heightened importance after local elections in a number of municipalities in May saw nearly 10% of ballots statewide rejected and not counted—a far higher rate than is typical—with the most common reasons involving signature problems. That election was the first in which the state chose to mail every voter a ballot, something New Jersey plans to do again for its July 7 primary.

 North Dakota: A federal district court has declined to allow supporters of a ballot initiative to reform elections to gather voter signatures electronically. With the July 6 deadline to submit signatures fast approaching, this ruling could defeat the ballot effort if it isn't overturned.

The initiative in question would amend North Dakota's constitution to transfer control over redistricting from the Republican-dominated legislature to the state's bipartisan Ethics Commission. It would also replace the existing electoral system with a primary where the top four finishers would advance to an instant-runoff general election.

 Ohio: Supporters of a ballot initiative to expand voting access have announced they're calling it quits for 2020 after a 6th Circuit Court of Appeals ruling that blocked initiative supporters from gathering signatures electronically to make it onto November's ballot. Although backers of a separate marijuana decriminalization effort are appealing to the Supreme Court in an effort to be able to gather signatures electronically, their odds of success appear low, and voting reformers aren't joining the appeal.

The voting access measure would have enacted automatic voter registration, same-day voter registration, a guaranteed number of early voting days, a ban on tightening Ohio's voter ID law to exclude non-photo IDs, and a requirement to carry out routine audits of election results. Its failure makes Ohio the third of three states, after Missouri and Arizona, where the pandemic has prevented those planning a major expansion of voting access from gathering the necessary signatures to appear on the ballot.

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Voting Rights Roundup: Major problems plagued Georgia's primaries. It's a warning sign for November

LEADING OFF

 Georgia: On Tuesday, Georgia held its statewide primaries, which unfolded as nothing less than a disaster for voters. Countless reports flooded the media relaying stories of voters in disproportionately black communities standing in line for several hours before being able to vote, partly because Georgia's newly implemented electronic voting machines and poll books did not work properly. Compounding the problems, many voters who requested absentee mail ballots never received them in time to vote—if they received them at all—putting even more pressure on in-person voting sites.

Voting machines weren't the only problem. While Raffensperger had mailed absentee ballot applications to roughly 7 million registered voters, voting advocates warned at the time that sending request forms instead of ballots would put unnecessary strain on election officials, a problem that did in fact come to pass. Examples abounded of voters who had requested ballots as early as April yet never received them in time and therefore had to vote in-person. (Democrats sought to partly mitigate the situation by filing an emergency motion in federal court on Friday to extend the time allowed for voters to fix alleged problems with their mail ballot signatures.)

Georgia has been ground zero for battles over voting access in recent years thanks to Republicans like Gov. Brian Kemp and Raffensperger, the latter of whom drew heaps of criticism over Tuesday's primary and even saw the Republican chairman of the Cobb County Commission call for his resignation. However, voting advocates noted that despite years of warning about the potential for problems, Raffensperger and his predecessor Kemp had actively resisted key efforts to prevent such problems and through neglect had made the risks of Election Day failures worse.

One major overhaul that Kemp pushed through after winning the tainted 2018 election that he oversaw while running for governor saw the state spend more than $100 million purchasing new electronic voting machines. Those machines were bought to replace the paperless devices that a federal court eventually blocked the state from using in a 2019 ruling. Election security advocates have been opposing this new voting system in federal court for its alleged security vulnerabilities, though they were unsuccessful in trying to persuade a court to order Georgia to use hand-filled paper ballots in the primary.

Georgia's problems with its June primary follow on the heels of the widely criticized 2018 election, when Kemp went to great lengths to make it harder for black voters and Democrats to cast their ballots. Kemp deployed a combination of voter registration purges, polling place closures, and other efforts, some of which met defeat in court. While we will never know whether Kemp would have lost to Democrat Stacey Abrams if everyone who wanted to could have voted, his conduct and the election's conditions undermined the legitimacy of his victory.

Georgia is just one of many states flirting with election catastrophe, and it's a warning sign of what could happen in November if Republican election officials across the country who are resisting measures to improve voting access continue along their present course. With Republican-run states like Georgia refusing to transition to universal vote-by-mail or ensure equal access to quick and safe in-person voting, millions of Americans could be deterred from voting in November or have to overcome significant burdens to do so.

These problems could ultimately undermine the legitimacy of American elections, especially if November sees worse failures. The coronavirus pandemic has put unprecedented strain on modern election systems, and if lawmakers and election officials don't immediately take the steps needed to ensure everyone can safely vote, countless voters could be prevented from voting, and our country could find itself in a constitutional crisis over the validity of the outcome this fall.

FELONY DISENFRANCHISEMENT

 District of Columbia: The Washington, D.C. Council has unanimously passed a police reform bill that contains a provision to significantly curtail felony disenfranchisement as a step toward its ultimate abolition. The bill would restore voting rights to everyone incarcerated for a felony conviction who is in a city-run facility.

However, many people convicted of felonies in D.C. end up serving their time in the custody of the federal Bureau of Prisons. Because councilors used certain procedures to advance this bill on an expedited timeline, citizens in BOP custody would remain unable to vote, though one member indicated that the Council intends to entirely end felony disenfranchisement "soon."

If D.C. does abolish felony disenfranchisement, it would join Maine and Vermont as the only jurisdictions in the country that don't eliminate voting rights for incarcerated people, and it would be the only one with a significant black population.

 Florida: Republican Gov. Ron DeSantis has announced that he will try to fast-track the appeal of last month's federal district court ruling that struck down the GOP's poll tax on voters who have served their felony sentences but still owe court fines or fees. Instead of the typical procedure of having a panel of three judges on the 11th Circuit Court of Appeals hear the appeal, DeSantis is asking for an "en banc" hearing with the entire Circuit's judges participating. The 11th Circuit has a majority of Republican appointees thanks to Donald Trump.

 Iowa: A committee in Iowa's Republican-majority state Senate has passed a constitutional amendment to end lifetime disenfranchisement for most felony convictions by automatically restoring voting rights upon the completion of prison sentences. The Republican-run state House passed the proposal last year. If the full Senate passes it before this year's elections, both chambers of the legislature would need to pass it again after the 2020 elections before it could go before voters for approval in a 2022 referendum.

Republican senators signaled their openness to passing this reform after lawmakers approved a de facto poll tax by requiring people who've served their felony sentences to pay any court-ordered restitution to victims before they can regain their voting rights, a law that is contingent upon this amendment itself becoming law.

BALLOT MEASURES

 Alaska: Alaska's Supreme Court has unanimously ruled that an initiative to reform how elections work in the state does not violate the state constitution and may appear on the November ballot. The measure would replace Alaska's traditional primaries with a "top-four" primary where all candidates from all parties would compete on a single ballot. The four candidates with the most support would advance to the general election, regardless of party. In the general election, voters would use instant-runoff voting to choose from the final four.

The initiative would also create campaign donor disclosure requirements for "dark money" donations that are currently exempt. Supporters of the effort have already submitted enough valid signatures to make the ballot, meaning Alaskans will get a chance to vote on the proposal in November following the court's decision.

 San Diego, CA: A committee on the City Council in San Diego, California has advanced a proposal that would have the top four finishers in each primary advance to an instant-runoff general election, setting up a vote by the full council that is expected in July. If the full council approves the proposal, it would go before voters in November as a ballot measure.

ELECTION CHANGES

 Arizona: National and state Democratic Party organizations have filed a federal lawsuit challenging an Arizona law that doesn't permit voters who fail to sign their mail ballot envelope a chance to fix the problem, even though voters are allowed to cure other issues, such as having a signature that supposedly doesn't match the one on file. The plaintiffs want the court to require the state to allow voters with missing signatures in federal elections seven days to correct the problem, the same deadline that exists for ballots with other issues.

 Kentucky: Republican state Rep. Jason Nemes and several voters have filed a lawsuit in federal court arguing that Kentucky risks suppressing voters by limiting in-person voting in the June 23 primary to only one polling place per county. Populous urban counties such as the Louisville area's Jefferson County, where Nemes' district is located, contain many times more voters than Kentucky's numerous rural counties yet will have the same number of voting sites. The plaintiffs have therefore asked the court to require more than one polling place in counties with more than 35,000 registered voters.

Shortly after the original lawsuit was filed, Democratic Senate candidate Amy McGrath filed to intervene and pursue additional claims. McGrath is pressing for the court to extend the deadline for requesting a ballot from June 15 to June 19; allow third-party groups to assist voters with ballot requests over the phone; and extend the closing of in-person polling places from 6 PM to 9 PM on Election Day.

 Maine: Democratic Gov. Janet Mills has issued an executive order extending the deadline to register to vote by mail from 21 days before the July 14 primary to just seven days, setting the new deadline on July 7.

 New Jersey: In a troubling new analysis, NJ Spotlight reports that New Jersey officials rejected nearly one out of every 10 ballots cast in May's local elections, a far higher proportion than is typical. That figure is a sign of problems with the state's adoption of universal mail voting for these municipal elections, a system officials will also deploy for the state's upcoming July primary. By far the most common reasons for rejections had to do with voter signatures either missing or allegedly not matching those on file, or ballots arriving after the deadline by which officials had to receive them.

In light of these widespread rejections, civil rights groups who filed a federal lawsuit last month are seeking changes that could prevent a repeat in upcoming elections. The plaintiffs want the court to require officials to notify voters of problems with their ballots and give them a chance to correct it.

 New Hampshire: The offices of New Hampshire's secretary of state and attorney general have issued rules governing how voters may begin to register to vote by mail, something that has taken on newfound importance during the pandemic because New Hampshire is one of just a handful of states that still don't allow online registration. However, the rules will require voters registering by mail to include a photocopy of their ID, a document showing their name and address, and a witness signature, which could be burdensome to obtain due to social distancing.

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Voting Rights Roundup: Court axes Florida GOP's poll tax, restoring voting rights to roughly 775,000

LEADING OFF

 Florida: In a historic victory against Republican voter suppression, a federal district court struck down a law that Republicans passed to impose a modern-day poll tax that disenfranchised would-be voters who had served their felony sentences but still owed court fines and fees. The judge ruled that the law established a "tax by any other name" in violation of the 24th Amendment's ban on disenfranchising voters "by reason of failure to pay any poll tax or other tax." The court's decision means that hundreds of thousands of disproportionately Black voters will regain the right to vote.

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Voting Rights Roundup: Missouri GOP's ballot measure would gut redistricting reform but may yet fail

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 Missouri: Republicans in the Missouri House followed their counterparts in the state Senate and passed a constitutional amendment on Wednesdays that would gut the reforms voters approved in 2018 to make legislative redistricting fairer. After passage in both chambers, the amendment will go before voters as a referendum, likely in November. If voters approve it, maps drawn next decade would continue to give Republicans a large and unjustified advantage, just as they've enjoyed over the past 10 years.

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Voting Rights Roundup: Court ruling means Oregon may finally adopt limits on campaign donations

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 Oregon: The Oregon Supreme Court has unanimously overturned a 1997 precedent that the state constitution bars all limits on state and local campaign contributions. It also declined to overturn limits on donations in county races that voters in populous Multnomah County (home of Portland) passed in 2016. The justices sent the case back to a lower court to litigate the issue of whether the county's $500 per donor maximum conflicts with federal law, but this ruling paves the way for the state to finally enact caps on donations for state and local offices statewide.

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Voting Rights Roundup: Court upholds ruling blocking Kansas voting restriction backed by Kris Kobach

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 Kansas: The 10th Circuit Court of Appeals has upheld a lower court ruling that blocked Kansas from enforcing a requirement in violation of federal law that voters provide documents proving they are citizens when registering to vote, dealing a blow to notorious voter suppression crusader Kris Kobach. The 1993 National Voter Registration Act, best known as the Motor Voter law, bars states from requiring such documents for registering to vote in federal elections. Instead, it only requires voters to swear under penalty of perjury that they are citizens and therefore eligible to vote.

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Voting Rights Roundup: Delay in 2020 census data release could heavily disrupt redistricting process

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 2020 Census: The Trump administration is asking Congress to extend the deadline for the Census Bureau to release population data from the 2020 census that all 50 states will use for redistricting, requesting that the current March 31 deadline be delayed until July 31 of next year. If Congress approves the delay, it could wreak havoc with redistricting and election timelines in many states.

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Voting Rights Roundup: VA Dems expand voting access and reform redistricting in historic session

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 Virginia: Over the weekend, Democratic Gov. Ralph Northam signed several election bills into law, the culmination of a historic legislative session that saw Democrats exercise full control over state government for the first time in a quarter century. Among those new laws is one establishing automatic voter registration through the state Department of Motor Vehicles, meaning all eligible DMV customers will be automatically registered unless they opt out. Just as importantly, another law enables voters to register to vote on the same day they cast a ballot, including Election Day itself.

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Voting Rights Roundup: US Postal Service could run out of funds and cause crisis for vote-by-mail

LEADING OFF

 Congress: House Democrats, led by Oversight and Reform Committee chairwoman Carolyn Maloney, have warned that the U.S. Postal Service is at serious risk of shutting down by June if Congress does not swiftly act to guarantee its solvency and protect its workers. Should that doomsday scenario come to pass, it would make it impossible for states to hold elections by mail, which experts have widely recommended as the safest option to preserve voting access amid the coronavirus pandemic.

​The USPS has been barred from being subsidized with taxpayer funds since the 1980s and instead must remain profitable on its own. Republicans also passed a law in 2006 that requires the agency to prefund its retiree health benefits 75 years into the future, costing the agency more than $5 billion a year. While prefunding benefits is by no means a bad idea on its own, no other federal agency—let alone the postal service's private competitors—operates under anything like that requirement, putting the postal service at a huge disadvantage.

If the postal service faced a more level playing field among its competitors when it came to pension obligations, its services would likely be more competitive and able to earn more revenue—and therefore it would not be facing its current shortfall. As well, letting this essential service rely on taxpayer subsidies at least in emergency situations would eliminate the potential for a crisis like this one entirely.

Congressional Democrats had proposed giving the postal service a $25 billion infusion and forgiving its $11 billion in debt to avoid a cataclysmic shutdown, but Senate Republicans stripped it out of the recently passed $2 trillion stimulus bill. Instead, the GOP supported a provision to let the agency borrow $10 billion from the Treasury Department instead of its yearly maximum of $3 billion. However, such a loan could only be used for operating expenses and not paying off debt, leading the agency to warn that the proposal didn't go nearly far enough.

It's critical that Congress passes a law to mandate and fund an expansion of mail voting in the states to ensure that tens of millions of voters aren't denied the ability to safely vote, and some states at least are already taking steps to do so on their own. However, in the worst-casescenario, where the postal service must cut or cease operations, states relying on mail voting would wind up in an impossible situation.

House Democrats were in a position of maximum leverage prior to the passage of the last stimulus bill, but they caved to Republicans when they agreed to a package that didn't include adequate election protection measures or direct postal service funding. However, they may still have a chance if further stimulus efforts take shape, though any hopes rest on whether Republicans recognize that their November election odds depend heavily on the state of the economy.

ELECTION CHANGES

The following states have recently moved their elections for various positions:

New York: from April 28 to June 23 primaries (presidential primary and 27th Congressional District special general election)

Puerto Rico: from April 26 to an undetermined future date (presidential primary)

South Dakota: from April 14 through May 26 to any Tuesday in June (optional; local only)

West Virginia: from May 12 to June 9 (presidential and downballot primaries)

You can stay on top of all changes to statewide primary dates by bookmarking our 2020 calendar.

 Arizona: Supporters of six ballot initiatives have filed a lawsuit asking Arizona's conservative-majority Supreme Court to temporarily allow the electronic gathering of petition signatures needed to put these measures on the ballot ahead of the state's July 2 deadline. They argue that the ongoing coronavirus pandemic has made it all but impossible to responsibly and safely continue gathering signatures in-person. They say that the state could readily expand online gathering instead by using the existing online system that candidates for elected office already use.

Supporters of two other initiative efforts, including one to expand voting access and implement other election reforms, have filed a similar lawsuit in federal court. The proposed voting rights measure would establish automatic voter registration through the state's Motor Vehicle Division, same-day voter registration, and in-person polling places on Native American tribal lands. It would also expand early voting, allow audits of election results, impose ethics and lobbying restrictions, lower the private campaign contribution limits, and significantly expand Arizona's existing public financing system.

Arizona is by no means the only state dealing with the pandemic's fallout for pro-democracy ballot initiatives. The crisis is complicating efforts to put similar voting access expansions on the November ballot in Missouri and Ohio.

 Alabama: Republican Gov. Kay Ivey says she opposes legislation that would remove Alabama's excuse requirement for voting absentee. Ivey said that such a move "raises the potential for voter fraud," though her office did not respond to follow-up questions as to why she thinks so. Almost three dozen states allow voters to cast ballots by mail without an excuse and none have reported any non-trivial problems with fraud as a result.

Republican Secretary of State John Merrill previously relaxed the state's excuse requirement, allowing any voter to request an absentee ballot for the state's July 14 primary runoffs by checking a box labeled "I have a physical illness or infirmity which prevents my attendance at the polls" on their ballot applications. Ivey says she plans to avail herself of this option. In a recent interview, Merrill said that only "liberal extremists" are interested in expanding mail voting even though he supported a bill to eliminate the excuse requirement in 2017.

 Arizona: Arizona's Republican-run legislature went into recess last week without considering a proposal by Democratic Secretary of State Katie Hobbs to allow the state to conduct its Aug. 4 downballot primaries or the November general election by mail. Lawmakers are set to reconvene on April 13.

 Arkansas: A federal judge has rejected a lawsuit that sought to extend the deadline by which absentee ballots cast in Arkansas' March 31 primary runoffs had to be received in order to count. Under Arkansas law, absentee ballots must be received by Election Day. The suit, backed by the NAACP, had asked that officials accept any ballots they receive within at least 10 days of the election, so long as they were postmarked by Election Day. The judge said that plaintiffs had lacked standing and left the current deadline in place.

 District of Columbia: Officials in Washington, D.C. have said that the city will significantly cut back on in-person voting in the June 2 primary, dropping from 144 polling places to just 20. Instead, officials are encouraging voters to cast an absentee mail ballot, which does not require an excuse.

 Georgia: State House Speaker David Ralston has finally acknowledged why he's repeatedly asked Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger to delay Georgia's May 19 presidential and downballot primaries: He doesn't want more Democrats to vote. In a new interview, Ralston said that Raffensperger's plan to mail absentee ballot applications to every active registered voter in the state would be "extremely devastating to Republicans and conservatives in Georgia" because it would "certainly drive up turnout."

Those remarks echo recent comments by Donald Trump, who said that proposals by congressional Democrats to safeguard elections would lead to "levels of voting that if you ever agreed to it you’d never have a Republican elected in this country again." Ralston has been hoping that a later primary would derail Raffensperger's ballot application efforts by allowing the state to rely chiefly on in-person voting. However, Raffensperger and Gov. Brian Kemp, both Republicans, say they lack the power to postpone the election a second time (previously, Raffensperger delayed the March 24 presidential primary until May).

Ralston could of course pass legislation changing the date and manner of the election, and Republican leaders even have the power to reconvene the legislature for a special session. However, Ralston sent members of the House home several weeks ago and suspended the legislature's current session indefinitely.

 Hawaii: Hawaii election officials will mail every voter a postage-prepaid card to update their signature for voting by mail to help ensure that votes aren't rejected because the signature on their ballot envelopes supposedly doesn't match the one on file. Separately, Hawaii Democrats have announced that they will count any mail-in ballots cast in their presidential primary that they receive by May 22 and will announce results on May 23. Previously, the party had canceled all in-person voting, which had been set for April 4.

 Idaho: Republican Secretary of State Lawerence Denney says he will send absentee ballot applications to every registered voter ahead of Idaho's May 19 downballot primaries. Earlier in the week, Republican Gov. Brad Little said the primary would be conducted by mail but at the time did not announce any plans to make mail ballots more accessible. Little had also rejected Denney's proposal to postpone the primary to June 16 or later.

It's also unclear whether the state will provide any in-person voting options for the many voters who are not able to participate by mail. Without such options, Idaho could leave itself vulnerable to a lawsuit.

 Illinois: Leaders of both chambers of Illinois' Democratic-run legislature say they are supportive of conducting the November general election by mail as the default voting method, an idea recently floated by Democratic Gov. J.B. Pritzker. Democratic state Sen. Julie Morrison says she plans to introduce legislation when lawmakers reconvene later this month that would send each voter an absentee ballot.

 Iowa: Republican Secretary of State Paul Pate says he will mail an absentee ballot application, with a postage-paid return envelope, to all 2 million active registered voters in Iowa ahead of the state's June 2 downballot primaries. However, this effort will miss any voters marked as "inactive" on the rolls. Registrations typically get marked as such when mail to these voters is returned as undelivered, but such voters still possess valid registrations and a portion of them wind up voting, typically in person.

 Kansas: Kansas Democrats have canceled all in-person voting for their May 2 presidential primary. The party had previously said it would send mail ballots with postage-paid return envelopes to all registered Democrats in the state. Anyone who does not receive a ballot can, starting on April 10, request one online through April 24. Ballots must be received by May 2 in order to count.

 Kentucky: Kentucky's Republican-run legislature has passed a bill that would allow the secretary of state and governor to jointly change the "manner" in which an election that takes place during a state of emergency can be held (under current law, only the "time" and "place" may be altered). Republican Secretary of State Michael Adams says the measure would give him added "flexibility," though he was vague on details, saying he'd like to prepare for an election with "limited in-person voting and expanded voting by mail."

Since Kentucky requires an excuse to cast an absentee ballot, any expansion to mail voting would likely have to involve a relaxation or waiver of that requirement. Adams did specify that he had "ruled out any move to a universal vote-by-mail system." It's not clear whether Democratic Gov. Andy Beshear will sign the legislation, a large bill mostly devoted to revenues that contains at least one provision Beshear previously vetoed as a stand-alone measure. However, Republicans could override a Beshear veto with a simple majority.

 Maryland: Maryland's Board of Elections reversed itself on Thursday and recommended to Gov. Larry Hogan that each of the state's 24 counties provide at least one in-person voting location for the June 2 presidential and downballot primaries. Hogan must now decide whether to approve the board's recommendations. An earlier version of the board's plan to mail ballots to all voters would have eliminated in-person polling sites altogether, which would have risked disenfranchising many groups of voters, including those:

  • with certain disabilities, particularly the visually impaired;
  • without housing;
  • with language barriers;
  • who should have received a ballot but do not;
  • who are displaced due to the pandemic;
  • who currently can't obtain a state ID necessary to register to vote because the DMV is closed; and
  • who are simply difficult to reach by mail.

Of that last group, known as "inactive" voters because mail sent to them is undeliverable, the board's counsel says that up to 4% wind up participating in a typical election. The ACLU and advocates for the blind had expressed serious concerns about the board's plans, which likely spurred them to reverse course.

 Massachusetts: Republican Gov. Charlie Baker has signed a bill that gives towns the ability to reschedule any local election that was set to take place by May 30 to as late as June 30. The measure also allows all voters to request an absentee mail ballot in elections held before July. The bill does not apply to the state's Sept. 1 downballot primaries, however.

 Missouri: An organization representing county clerks in Missouri has asked the state's Republican-run legislature to let any voter cast an absentee ballot in an emergency like the present one. The clerks also want to allow voters to request absentee ballots online. Lawmakers are tentatively set to return next week for a two-day session but their top priority will be passing a budget.

 New Mexico: The New Mexico Supreme Court has set arguments for April 14 in a case brought by 27 of the state's 33 county clerks, who have asked that the state's June 2 presidential and downballot primaries be conducted by mail. In their request, the clerks specify that some in-person voting locations would remain in operation to assist those unable to vote by mail. Democratic Secretary of State Maggie Toulouse Oliver, who is named as the defendant is the clerks' suit, recently said that "an all-mail election is not likely."

Republicans filed a lawsuit to oppose the request and say that the matter should be handled by the legislature, which they say could be called in for a special session. Democrats, however, oppose the idea of a special session, fearing that convening lawmakers and their staff could exacerbate the spread of the coronavirus. The justices have specifically asked the parties and Democratic Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham to opine on whether the legislature can meet electronically.

 New York: A handful of Democratic lawmakers are renewing their efforts to pass a bill to expand online voter registration in New York City, which currently only covers voters with a DMV-issued ID and is therefore unavailable for a large number of voters given the high proportion of city residents who do not drive. The heavily Democratic City Council passed a law to do just that in 2017, but the state Board of Elections stymied the council by adding additional barriers.

 North Carolina: Phil Berger, the Republican leader of North Carolina's state Senate, has rejected ideas put forth by the state's Board of Elections to make mail voting easier and to make Election Day a holiday. Meanwhile, the board has partnered with the state's DMV and will now, for the first time, allow voters with state IDs to register to vote online. Nine states representing 1 in 7 Americans still do not allow online registration along the lines that North Carolina now will.

 Ohio: On Friday, a federal district court rejected a lawsuit that had been brought earlier in the week by civil rights groups seeking an order that Ohio officials delay the state's April 28 primaries and mail ballots (with postage-paid return envelopes) to every voter who has not yet voted.

Under a new law recently signed by Republican Gov. Mike DeWine, the state will eliminate almost all in-person voting. Instead, it will send postcards to voters explaining how to request an absentee ballot application. Voters would then have to print out applications on their own, or request one be mailed to them, and then mail them in. (Applications cannot be submitted online, but GOP Secretary of State Frank LaRose said voters who lack a printer could make a hand-written request so long as they provide the necessary information.) They would then have to mail in their absentee ballots.

The voting rights advocates who brought this suit had argued that there isn't enough time to complete this multi-step process before April 28 and wanted the court to pick a new date. Plaintiffs also said the state's voter registration period, which ended on Feb. 18, must be immediately re-opened until 30 days before voting concludes in order to comply with federal law, but the judge denied their motion for a temporary restraining order.

 South Carolina: South Carolina's Election Commission has made a number of recommendations to Republican Gov. Henry McMaster and the GOP-run legislature to ensure the state's elections can run properly despite the threat of the coronavirus. Those suggestions include:

  • Removing the excuse requirement to vote absentee
  • Allowing voters to request absentee ballots online
  • Removing the requirement to have witnesses sign absentee ballots
  • Moving to a vote-by-mail system in which every voter would be sent a ballot
  • Allowing early voting for the first time

Lawmakers would have to pass a bill to enact these changes, or to postpone the state's June 9 downballot primaries. However, McMaster said he would defer to the legislature, which recently adjourned without taking any action on elections and will meet for just one day next week to address budgetary matters. The legislature may reconvene at a later date.

 Texas: Texas' secretary of state's office has taken a small step toward expanding access to mail voting by advising county election officials that voters may request an absentee ballot if they have any condition that precludes them from voting in-person "without a likelihood of needing personal assistance or of injuring the voter's health." If officials are lenient, that provision of law could allow voters concerned about the coronavirus to obtain absentee ballots. Texas Democrats filed a lawsuit last month asking that all voters be allowed to vote absentee for this reason.

The office's new letter, from Director of Elections Keith Ingram, also suggests that county officials seek court orders to allow expanded mail voting options for "those affected by quarantines." However, as the Houston Chronicle notes, the secretary of state's guidance is not mandatory, only advisory.

 Vermont: Republican Gov. Phil Scott has signed a law making a number of temporary changes to Vermont election laws to address the coronavirus pandemic. Among the most significant, Democratic Secretary of State Jim Condos now has the power to order that any election this year be conducted by mail, as long as Scott agrees.

 Wisconsin: Wisconsin's Tuesday elections careened toward chaos as Democratic Gov. Tony Evers announced on Friday that he would call a special session of the legislature for Saturday, imploring Republican leaders to immediately pass legislation postponing the presidential primary and state Supreme Court general election so that the state could instead hold it by mail. But just a short while afterward, top Republicans vehemently shot down Evers' request and vowed not to take any action to protect voting.

Evers called the special session after a federal judge on Thursday declined to delay in-person voting even as citizens remained under a "stay at home order" due to the coronavirus pandemic and officials across the state said they would be unable to operate the vast majority of polling sites. Republicans swiftly appealed the parts of that order expanding voting access, as we'll detail below.

On Thursday, U.S. District Judge William Conley concluded that, despite the grave health risks, plaintiffs had failed to demonstrate that the harms posed by proceeding with Tuesday’s presidential primary and elections for state and local office outweighed the harms that postponing them would cause. Conley did, however, agree to give voters one extra day to request absentee ballots, moving the deadline from Thursday to Friday.

He also relaxed the requirement that those voting absentee have their ballot witnessed, allowing voters to instead provide a written statement explaining they were "unable to safely obtain a witness certification" despite reasonable efforts. However, he left it to the "individual discretion of clerks as to whether to accept a voter’s excuse." He also ruled that votes already cast without witness signatures could be deemed valid so long as those voters affirm they weren't able to safely obtain them.

Most significantly, Conley ordered officials to accept any mail ballots they received by 4 PM on April 13, extending the deadline from 8 PM on Election Day. Conley emphasized that his directive did not specify ballots be postmarked by a particular date, meaning voters could in theory cast ballots after April 7. In a subsequent clarification, Conley also said that results could not be released until the 13th.

Despite these relatively modest adjustments, Republicans immediately filed an appeal, which the 7th Circuit Court of Appeals granted in part late on Friday by staying the section of Conley's ruling that had allowed voters to cast absentee ballots without witness signatures. However, the appellate court denied the GOP's request to block the extension of the deadline to return absentee ballots. It's possible that either party could file further appeals in the next few days, but given the 7th Circuit's heavy lean to the right and the Supreme Court's conservative majority being strongly opposed to voting rights, Democrats likely won't have much luck on any appeal.

GOP leaders in the legislature for weeks have resisted calls to postpone the election, and with a crucial seat on the state Supreme Court in play, they may be counting on the virus to disproportionately suppress votes on the left. In part that's because social distancing is more difficult in denser urban areas, which make up the bulk of the Democratic vote; voters in more sparsely populated rural areas may be less deterred from voting in person. In addition, polling, including a new survey from Marquette Law School, shows Republicans are simply less concerned about the coronavirus in general.

But it's not just Republicans who've stood in the way of moving the election: Wisconsin Democrats have been furious with Evers for also opposing a postponement until the last minute. Evers had criticized legislative Republicans for not acting, but Democrats said he should have called a special session earlier to put pressure on them, something he declined to do until Friday. Evers has repeatedly maintained that he wouldn't try to unilaterally delay the election, with a spokesperson saying, "He doesn’t want to do it, and he also doesn’t have the authority to do it."

That's left the administration of in-person voting in an extremely precarious state. Even though election officials have received an enormous surge in absentee ballot applications—over 1.1 million as of Thursday—they also told Conley that some 500,000 voters "would still need to vote in person."

Where they will do so is in grave doubt. In Milwaukee, for instance—the state's largest city and home to a large majority of its black residents—officials announced that polling locations have been reduced from 180 to just 5, one for every 10,000 voters expected to vote in-person, and Democratic Mayor Tom Barrett even asked voters not to vote at the polls. Other cities such as Green Bay face similar closures due to a dearth of poll workers. Evers has called up the National Guard to operate polling places, though he acknowledged to Conley that Guard members "will not satisfy all of the current staffing needs."

If in the end Wisconsin cannot pull off an acceptable election, there may be one final twist. In a footnote, Conley said he would "reserve on the question as to whether the actual voter turnout, ability to vote on election day or overall conduct of the election and counting votes timely has undermined citizens’ right to vote." In other words, Conley is suggesting that he might entertain further challenges after the election, though it's impossible to say what sort of post facto remedies he might envision.

P.S. Separately, the Wisconsin Supreme Court ruled earlier this week that Dane County Clerk Scott McDonell may not advise all voters they can request an absentee ballot without presenting a copy of their ID because they are "indefinitely confined" as a result of the governor's stay-at-home order. The court said that McDonell must follow guidance provided by the Wisconsin Elections Commission, which concluded, "Designation of indefinitely confined status is for each individual voter to make based upon their current circumstance." Milwaukee County Clerk George Christenson had also posted similar advice.

ELECTORAL REFORM

 St. Louis, MO: Supporters of an effort to change how St. Louis, Missouri votes in city elections have obtained enough valid signatures to put an initiative on the Nov. 3 ballot that would replace the current system of partisan primaries decided by plurality winner with a nonpartisan "approval voting" primary where the top-two finishers advance to the general election runoff. The city's Board of Aldermen has the option of passing the proposal itself (thereby removing it from the ballot), or it could place its own similar measure on the ballot, but if it doesn't act, this initiative will appear on the ballot as-is.

Approval voting is a relatively novel election reform that was only adopted for elections to public office in the United States for the first time in 2018, when Fargo, North Dakota passed an initiative enacting it for local elections. The system generally works by letting voters cast as many votes as there are candidates, with up to one vote per candidate. St. Louis would also use a variation on approval voting where the two candidates who win the most total votes would advance to a subsequent runoff instead of having the first-place finisher win outright in the first round, as is the case in Fargo.

The goal of this system is to eliminate the "spoiler" problem, where a candidate wins without majority support only because their opposition was divided. The approval approach attempts to ensure that the most broadly acceptable candidate prevails.

St. Louis is heavily black and heavily Democratic, so the Democratic primary effectively decides who will win most elections. Several recent elections have seen the victor prevail with just modest pluralities, such as the 2017 Democratic primary for mayor in which Lyda Krewson won by a 32-30 margin. Krewson is white and defeated a divided field of black opponents; had the city required majority support to win the nomination, this outcome could have been different.

FELONY DISENFRANCHISEMENT

 Florida: The 11th Circuit Court of Appeals has denied Florida Republicans' request for all 13 judges on the circuit to rehear their appeal after a three-judge panel had refused to overturn a lower court ruling that blocked Florida from enforcing the GOP's poll tax on the 17 plaintiffs who were unable to pay it off to regain their voting rights. Donald Trump flipped the 11th Circuit to a majority of Republican appointees late last year, making the circuit's refusal to rehear the case en banc surprising.

The case is still proceeding on the merits and will go to trial on April 27, but the lower court's temporary injunction will remain in effect. The district court recently signaled it would likely extend its ruling to the entire class of citizens affected by the poll tax, which could be several hundred thousand Floridians.

CAMPAIGN FINANCE

 Seattle, WA: The Supreme Court has declined to hear a case challenging the constitutionality of Seattle, Washington's public campaign finance system, which gives every registered voter four $25 vouchers that they can donate to their preferred candidates in city elections. Seattle became the first major U.S. city to adopt this type of public financing reform following a 2015 ballot measure, and its adoption led to a significant increase in small donations in subsequent local elections.

REDISTRICTING

 Redistricting: On Friday, the documentary feature film "Slay the Dragon," which explores gerrymandering and the successful effort to eliminate it in Michigan, will become available for online streaming and video on demand. Featuring reform activists and redistricting experts, including Daily Kos Elections' own Stephen Wolf, the film documents the impact of widespread (largely Republican) gerrymandering efforts after the 2010 census. A central focus is the key swing state of Michigan, including how GOP gerrymandering there enabled the Flint water crisis and how a grassroots movement in 2018 used a ballot initiative to finally end lawmakers' ability to draw their own districts.

VOTER SUPPRESSION

 Florida: Florida's Republican-run state government has settled a Democratic-backed lawsuit over the GOP's ban on early voting locations on college campuses by loosening restrictions that Republicans had enacted last year to get around a previous court ruling in this case.

In 2018, a federal court struck down a rule that had banned early voting on college campuses, allowing almost 60,000 voters to cast early ballots on campuses across the state that year. However, Republicans followed up last year by passing a law imposing indirect restrictions that would have effectively precluded early voting on campuses via an onerous parking availability requirement that most campuses couldn't possibly meet.

Democrats therefore continued to sue, and the new settlement significantly relaxes those parking restrictions. Consequently, county election officials will have the ability to establish early voting sites on campuses for the August state primary and November general election.

 Kentucky: As expected, Democratic Gov. Andy Beshear has vetoed the voter ID bill that Republicans recently passed. However, Republicans will almost certainly be able to override his veto, since it only takes a simple majority to do so.

 Tennessee: In a surprising reversal, Tennessee Republicans have passed a law that repeals certain parts of a 2019 law that they had enacted to add criminal and civil penalties to key parts of voter registration drives, which a federal court had temporarily blocked last September as likely to infringe upon voters' constitutional rights. Republicans passed this 2019 law after organizers registered tens of thousands of new black voters in 2018, since black voters are more likely to be registered through such drives.

For those who had registered 100 or more voters, the law had made it a crime to do so without completing a state training course. It also made it a crime to fail to submit completed forms within 10 days. At the same time, groups that submitted 100 or more incomplete or inaccurate registration forms would have faced civil fines, which could have reached a steep $10,000 per county (Tennessee has 99 counties) if more than 500 such forms were found to have been submitted in a given county.

However, the revised law still includes a measure to make registration drives less effective by making it a crime to pay workers based on the number of registrations they gather. Instead, organizers would have to pay hourly or rely on volunteers, which eliminates the financial incentive for registration drive workers to register as many voters as they can during their shifts.

Repealing the challenged parts of this law will likely render the litigation over it moot. By capitulating in this manner, Republicans have now signaled their own doubts about their prospects for success in court.

SUPREME COURT ELECTIONS

 Georgia: Georgia voters have filed a federal lawsuit challenging Republican Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger's decision to cancel a May 19 state Supreme Court election. Raffensperger canceled the election after GOP-appointed Justice Keith Blackwell announced he intends to resign in November, which is several weeks before his term was set to end. The move gave Republican Gov. Brian Kemp the power to appoint Blackwell's replacement and put off a potentially competitive election until 2022.

This lawsuit comes after a state court recently rejected a lawsuit brought by candidates from both parties who had intended to run in the now-canceled nonpartisan election. The plaintiffs in that case are appealing to the Georgia Supreme Court, which is dominated by conservative justices.

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Voting Rights Roundup: Congress' massive rescue package doesn't do enough to protect voting in November

LEADING OFF

 Congress: On Friday, the U.S. House followed the Senate and passed a $2.2 trillion stimulus bill, sending it to Donald Trump, who signed it that afternoon. However, while this stimulus package is the biggest since World War II, it failed to ensure that Americans will still be able to vote safely in November. Instead, Congress is planning an indefensible month-long recess rather than pass further measures that would combat our ongoing public health and economic crises—and ensure that our democracy remains operational.

​Moreover, this compromise legislation doesn't include any mandate that states expand voting access. Pelosi's package, by contrast, would have required that states offer 15 days of in-person early voting; remove any excuse requirement to vote absentee by mail; mail every registered voter a ballot in case of an emergency like the current one; and allowed voters to register both online and on the same day they cast a ballot. Without these policies, countless Americans may be unable to vote without putting their health at risk.

Election experts have widely recommended that Congress use its authority to immediately require and fund the switch to extensive voting by mail (at least in federal elections) as a way to guarantee that elections still go forward and are conducted in a manner that minimizes potential exposure to the virus among voters and election workers. However, it will take time, effort, and organization to ensure that states can effectively implement such policies, and related measures will be necessary to ensure mail voting doesn’t disenfranchise anyone. This is why Congress must act as soon as possible.

Congressional Republicans, who've long been hostile to voting rights, strongly opposed provisions to make it easier to vote. Democrats can still try to reach a future compromise by agreeing to make these provisions temporary emergency measures rather than, as Pelosi envisioned, enshrining them into law permanently. By doing so, Democrats can demonstrate to the public that they are acting in good faith and not taking advantage of a crisis for alleged partisan gain.

Furthermore, because Republican-leaning states are least likely to make it easy to vote by mail as shown on the map at the top of this post (see here for a larger version), and because the GOP's elderly voter base is most at risk of serious illness, it's in Republicans’ own interest to ensure that voters have alternatives to in-person voting this year. Indeed, even Republicans in red states such as Ohio, Indiana, and Montana have called for a switch to mail voting.

Regardless, Democrats must make these voting provisions a red line that cannot be crossed when it comes to supporting any future stimulus package. With the economy in free fall and Trump's re-election chances dropping along with it, Republicans realize that it's in their immediate partisan interest to stabilize our economic situation. Because of that, Democrats hold tremendous leverage.

Democrats must therefore hold the line and demand that any further stimulus measures include these voting provisions to ensure our elections can go on. Donald Trump lacks the power to postpone the November elections, but they could become a catastrophe if millions of voters are unable to vote. As Congress fights to resolve our public health and economic crises, it must also act to avert a constitutional crisis.

ELECTION CHANGES

The following states have recently moved their primaries for various positions from the presidency down to local office:

  • Delaware: from April 28 to June 2 (presidential) and from May 12 to June 16 (school board)
  • Massachusetts: from March 31 to May 19 and June 2 (special elections)
  • Ohio: from March 17/June 2 to April 28 (presidential and downballot)
  • Pennsylvania: from April 28 to June 2 (presidential and downballot)
  • Puerto Rico: from March 29 to April 26 (Democratic presidential)
  • Rhode Island: from April 28 to June 2 (presidential)

You can stay on top of all changes to statewide primary dates by bookmarking our 2020 calendar.

 Alaska: Alaska's Republican-run state Senate has unanimously passed a bill that would allow Republican Lt. Gov. Kevin Meyer to order that the state's Aug. 18 downballot primaries be conducted entirely by mail. (The lieutenant governor is Alaska's chief election official.) However, Republicans blocked an attempt by Democrats to require that the state provide dropboxes where voters can return their ballots, an option that is very popular in states that have adopted universal voting by mail, in part because it obviates the need for a postage stamp and avoids the risk of delayed mail return service.

The bill now goes to the state House, which is controlled by a Democratic-led coalition that includes Republicans and independents. The Alaska Daily News says that Republican Gov. Mike Dunleavy is "expected" to sign the measure "speedily" if both chambers pass it.

Alaska Democrats have also canceled in-person voting for their April 4 presidential primary and will instead extend the deadline by which absentee ballots must be received to April 10 (previously, ballots had to be postmarked by March 24). Ballots have already been mailed to 71,000 voters, but voters can also download a ballot from the party's website.

 Arkansas: Officials in Arkansas have announced that they will not postpone the state's March 31 runoffs, making it the only state in the nation still set to conduct primary elections in the month of March. While no congressional or statewide elections will host runoffs, 12 counties that make up about 30% of the state's population will do so for local races. Administrators say they have reduced the number of polling locations and are encouraging voters to cast ballots absentee. While Arkansas normally requires an excuse to vote absentee, the state's Board of Election Commissioners has said all voters may request absentee ballots for the runoffs due to the coronavirus.

Separately, the NAACP filed a federal lawsuit on Friday seeking to count ballots that are postmarked by Election Day so long as they are received no more than 10 days later; currently, the state disqualifies all ballots not received by Election Day. The plaintiffs argue that the current deadline illegally discriminates against black voters.

 California: Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom has ordered that all voters be sent mail-in ballots for the May 12 special election taking place in California's 25th Congressional District. A small number of in-person polling sites will remain open to assist voters who need help in casting ballots.

 Delaware: Democratic Gov. John Carney has issued an order allowing all voters in the June primary to request an absentee ballot (Delaware is one of 17 states that requires an excuse to vote absentee).

 Georgia: Republican Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger says his office will send absentee ballot application forms to all active Georgia voters for the state's May 19 presidential and downballot primary, a plan that officials had previously floated. Voters will still need to return the forms (which are not postage-paid) in order to receive a ballot.

 Hawaii: Hawaii Democrats have canceled the in-person portion of their April 4 presidential primary, which was set to be conducted mostly by mail to begin with. To compensate, the party will mail out a third round of ballots to voters.

 Idaho: Republican Secretary of State Lawrence Denney's office has announced that voters may now request absentee mail ballots online after Democrats had called on the state to give voters this option as an alternative to mailing in their requests.

 Indiana: Indiana's bipartisan Election Commission has unanimously waived the state's requirement that voters who wish to vote absentee in June's presidential and downballot primaries provide an excuse in order to do so.

 Iowa: Republican Secretary of State Paul Pate is allowing absentee voting for Iowa's June 2 downballot primaries to begin on April 23, 11 days earlier than the statutory May 4 start date. Before the passage of a voter ID bill in 2017, this 40-day absentee period was the law in Iowa. Pate also postponed three elections for local office until July 7.

 Maryland: Maryland's Board of Elections is recommending to GOP Gov. Larry Hogan that the state's June 2 presidential and downballot primaries be conducted entirely by mail, with all voters receiving a mail-in ballot and in-person voting completely eliminated. That last provision could result in a lawsuit, because federal law requires states to make voting accessible for people with disabilities, and not all voters are able to cast ballots by mail.

In fact, in the board's discussion of the April 28 special election in Maryland's 7th Congressional District, which will be conducted by mail, one board official even noted that state law requires election administrators to offer in-person voting to comply with the Americans with Disabilities Act. However, according to the board's website, there will be no in-person voting for the special election.

 Massachusetts: Republican Gov. Charlie Baker has signed a bill that gives towns the ability to reschedule any local election that was set to take place by May 30 to as late as June 30. The measure also allows all voters to request an absentee mail ballot for these elections (Massachusetts normally requires an excuse to vote absentee).

 Michigan: Democratic Secretary of State Jocelyn Benson says that she will send postage-paid absentee ballot applications to all voters able to participate in Michigan's May 5 local elections. Voters will still need to return the applications in order to receive a ballot, but they can also check a box that allows them to permanently receive an absentee ballot application in all future elections. Benson also says that her office will help local governments ensure that postage-paid return envelopes are included with any ballots.

 Minnesota: Democratic Secretary of State Steve Simon says that Minnesota is considering the possibility of conducting all voting by mail for its "2020 statewide elections," which presumably would include both the state's Aug. 11 downballot primaries and the November general election. As an alternative, Simon says officials may encourage voters to cast absentee ballots, a method that almost a quarter of the state used in 2018.

 Missouri: Republican Secretary of State Jay Ashcroft says that the possibility of relaxing Missouri's excuse requirement to vote absentee by mail is "on the table," though he indicated that such a change would require action by the GOP legislature. Ashcroft also sounded largely opposed to the idea of holding elections entirely by mail.

 Montana: Following requests from officials in both parties, Democratic Gov. Steve Bullock has told county election officials that they may conduct the state's June 2 presidential and downballot primaries almost entirely by mail. Voters would be sent ballots with postage-paid return envelopes, and they'd also be able to vote in person during the state's early voting period, which runs for 30 days leading up the primary.

 Nebraska: Republican Secretary of State Bob Evnen now says that all Nebraska voters will be sent an absentee ballot application ahead of the state's May 12 presidential and downballot primaries; previously, only some counties were planning to do so.

 Nevada: Republican Secretary of State Barbara Cegavske and local election officials from all 17 Nevada counties have announced plans to conduct the state's June 9 downballot primaries almost entirely by mail. Every active registered voter will be sent a postage-paid absentee ballot that they can return by mail or at an in-person polling site, of which each county will have at least one. Importantly, these voters will not have to request a ballot.

Ballots must be postmarked or turned in by Election Day, though they will still count as long as they are received up to seven days later. Officials will also contact any voter whose ballot has an issue (such as a missing signature), and voters will have until the seventh day after the election to correct any problems. Cegavske's press release wisely cautions that, under this system, final election results will not be known until well after election night, though this is a point that officials across the country will have to emphasize loudly and repeatedly as mail voting becomes more widespread.

One potential issue with Cegavske's plan, though, is that registered voters who are listed as "inactive" on the voter rolls will not be sent ballots. However, as voting expert Michael McDonald notes, these voters are still eligible to vote, and every election, many do. While they can still request absentee ballots on their own, they now face an obstacle that active voters will not. Approximately 14% of Nevada's 1.8 million registered voters are on inactive status.

 New Mexico: Democratic Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham reportedly plans to call a special session of the legislature (which is run by Democrats) to address emergency responses to the coronavirus, including the possibility of moving to all-mail elections this year. Democratic Secretary of State Maggie Toulouse Oliver says that she and other election officials are also looking into the matter, though she says she believes it would take an act of the legislature to switch to a fully vote-by-mail system.

 New York: Democratic Attorney General Tish James has asked Gov. Andrew Cuomo, a fellow Democrat, to issue an executive order mandating that all New Yorkers be sent mail-in ballots so that they can vote from home in New York's April 28 presidential primary. A special election for the state's vacant 27th Congressional District is also set for that date.

Democratic Assemblyman Jeff Dinowitz has also introduced a bill that would allow all voters to request an absentee ballot due to the coronavirus, since New York still requires an excuse to vote absentee and can't outright repeal that requirement before 2022. Cuomo has said he's looking into whether he can expand absentee access under his own authority, or whether legislative action is required.

Meanwhile, Democratic state Sen. Jen Metzger has introduced a bill that would enable universal mail voting amid public health crises. Were the bill to become law, every voter would be sent a ballot for the state's June 23 downballot primaries.

 North Carolina: North Carolina's Board of Elections has asked Democratic Gov. Roy Cooper and the Republican-run legislature to make a number of changes that would make absentee voting easier. The board's recommendations include:

  • allowing voters to request absentee ballots online, or to return applications via email or fax;
  • relaxing the state's requirement that absentee ballots be witnessed by two people or a notary, either by reducing the requirement to one witness or eliminating it entirely;
  • having the state provide postage-paid return envelopes for absentee ballots; and
  • making Election Day in November a state holiday so that a wider part of the workforce would be able to serve as poll workers.

 North Dakota: Republican Gov. Doug Burgum has signed an executive order giving North Dakota counties the option to hold the state's June 9 downballot primaries entirely by mail. The order directs the secretary of state to send absentee ballot applications to all voters, with postage-paid return envelopes.

Burgum's order also allows counties to eliminate all in-person voting sites, however, which could potentially cause serious problems on Native reservations where mail service is limited. In addition, it could run afoul of federal laws requiring that voting be accessible to persons with disabilities, though the order does specify that officials must make "at least one assistive ballot marking device" available at each county's courthouse from 40 days prior to the election through Election Day.

 Ohio: Republican Gov. Mike DeWine has signed a law that the GOP legislature unanimously passed to extend the time to vote absentee by mail in the state's presidential and downballot primaries until April 28. There would be limited in-person voting only for people with disabilities or who lack a home address, and voters would also be able to drop off absentee ballots in person on that day, but ballots would have to be mailed by April 27 and be received by May 8 in order to count. However, voting rights groups have expressed serious reservations about the plan and say they may sue.

Under the bill, the state would send postcards to voters explaining how to request an absentee ballot application. Voters would then have to print out applications on their own, or request one be mailed to them, and then mail them in—they cannot be submitted online. They would then have to mail in their absentee ballots (though these at least would come with a postage-paid envelope).

Voting rights advocate Mike Brickner notes that there is very little time left to carry out this multi-step process, particularly because each piece of mail would be in transit for several days. In addition, printing all of these materials, including the postcards that are designed to kick off this effort, will take considerable time, especially since government offices, the postal service, and print shops "may not be operating optimally," as Brickner observes. Local election officials are also opposed and say that a date in mid-May is more realistic.

 Rhode Island: Democratic Gov. Gina Raimondo has signed an executive order directing the state Board of Elections to conduct a "predominantly mail ballot" election, which Democratic Secretary of State Nellie Gorbea had previously advised. The state Board of Elections has also asked Raimondo to issue another order removing the requirement that voters have their absentee ballot notarized or signed by two witnesses. The board has also requested that voters be allowed to provide additional information in case officials say the signature on their ballot does not match the one on file.

 South Carolina: Election officials in South Carolina are weighing whether to implement excuse-free absentee voting and early voting, as well as moving to an all-mail election for the state's June 9 downballot primaries. Any changes would require an executive order by Republican Gov. Henry McMaster or action by the GOP legislature.

 Virginia: Statewide organizations representing local election officials have asked Virginia's Department of Elections to cancel in-person voting for the state's May 5 local elections and June 9 congressional primary and instead conduct them by mail. The Department of Elections has already allowed all voters to vote absentee in May's local elections but have yet to do so for June's primaries. Democratic Gov. Ralph Northam is expected to approve a bill by April 11 that would permanently remove the excuse requirement to vote absentee by mail, but it wouldn't take effect until July 1.

 West Virginia: Republican Secretary of State Mac Warner says all voters will be sent an absentee ballot application with a postage-paid return envelope ahead of West Virginia's May 12 presidential and downballot primaries. Previously, Warner effectively waived the state's requirement that voters provide an excuse to vote absentee by allowing all voters to cite the coronavirus as their reason.

 Wisconsin: On Friday, just a week-and-a-half before Wisconsin's April 7 elections, Democratic Gov. Tony Evers asked the Republican-run legislature to pass a bill sending every voter an absentee ballot. The proposal was immediately rejected, however: State Senate Majority Leader Scott Fitzgerald angrily accused Evers of "lying directly to Wisconsinites about this even being remotely possible."

Earlier this week, voting rights advocates brought a new lawsuit asking a federal judge to bar Wisconsin officials from enforcing a state law that requires voters to have a witness sign their absentee ballots. Meanwhile, election clerks in Wisconsin's two largest counties, the Democratic strongholds of Milwaukee and Dane (home of Madison), have advised voters that they do not need to upload a copy of their ID when requesting an absentee ballot online, a move aimed at helping voters who lack the necessary technological means. Republicans filed a lawsuit with the conservative-majority state Supreme Court late on Friday to stop Dane County from doing so.

In Green Bay, city officials filed a lawsuit on Tuesday asking that a federal judge order Wisconsin officials to delay the state's April 7 elections until June 2 and to extend its voter registration deadline to May 1, while a voter turnout group called Souls to the Polls filed a separate but similar federal lawsuit on Thursday. (The deadline for registering by mail has already passed, but voters can still register online through March 30 thanks to an earlier order by a different judge.) Green Bay has also asked that it be allowed to cancel in-person voting and mail ballots to all registered voters.

 Wyoming: Wyoming Democrats, who had previously canceled in-person voting for their April 4 presidential caucus, have now moved to an entirely vote-by-mail election. This means that voters will no longer be able to drop off ballots in person. In addition, the deadline by which ballots must be received has been extended to April 17 (previously, ballots had to be postmarked by March 20).

ELECTION SECURITY

 Kentucky: A committee in Kentucky's Republican-majority state House has passed a bill to require that all votes be cast via a method that produces a voter-verifiable paper trail. However, the bill does not allocate the millions in funding needed for counties to buy new voting equipment to replace paperless voting machines they're still using, and it would only require that they make the change whenever they decide to replace their current machines.

BALLOT ACCESS

 West Virginia: A federal district court has denied West Virginia's motion to dismiss a Democratic-backed lawsuit arguing that the way the state determines the ordering of how candidates appear on the ballot violates the U.S. Constitution.

State law requires that the party that won the most votes in the last presidential election in the state be listed first for all partisan offices. Because of the state's heavily Republican lean at the presidential level, that means the GOP gets listed first in all downballot races.

The plaintiffs argue that this system violates the First and 14th Amendments because candidates listed first can enjoy a boost in support that can prove decisive in a close election, particularly in downballot races where voters have much less information about the candidates than they do for the top of the ticket. Thanks to the court's ruling, plaintiffs will now have the chance to have their case decided on its merits.

VOTER REGISTRATION AND VOTING ACCESS

 Michigan: A federal district court has denied a motion to dismiss a Democratic-supported lawsuit challenging Michigan's procedures for rejecting mail ballots over problems with a voter's signature supposedly not matching. The court also allowed Republican legislative leaders to intervene as defendants (plaintiffs originally named Democratic Secretary of State Jocelyn Benson as the sole defendant).

The plaintiffs contend that the ballot rejection process is arbitrary and lacks a statewide standard. Michigan law does not require officials to notify voters that their ballots have been rejected or allow them to challenge any such rejections. Similar laws have been struck down in other states in recent years.

 Utah: Republican Gov. Gary Herbert has signed into law a measure that repeals Utah's straight-ticket voting option, which passed with the support of every Democratic legislator and most Republicans. Proponents of the repeal law, which was sponsored by a Democrat, have argued that the change would make voters more thoughtful about their choices. Nevertheless, in an era of historic partisan polarization, repealing the option is unlikely to significantly increase split-ticket voting.

Instead, academic research on the experience in North Carolina, which eliminated straight-ticket voting in 2013, found that the move increased voting lines by making it take longer for voters fill out the ballot. That in turn likely deterred some people from voting and had a disproportionate effect on black voters because they voted straight tickets more often. However, because Utah overwhelmingly votes by mail, long voting lines are far less of a concern than in other states, though the absence of the straight-ticket option could increase the rate of undervoting in races further down the ballot.

Utah's move leaves only six states with the option to check a single box to vote for every candidate on the ballot affiliated with that particular party.

VOTER SUPPRESSION

 North Carolina: On Tuesday, North Carolina's Court of Appeals rejected Republicans' request for all 15 judges on the court to review of a February ruling by three judges that had overturned a lower court ruling and temporarily blocked the GOP's voter ID statute. The case is currently proceeding on the merits, with plaintiffs arguing that Republicans acted with the intent to discriminate against black voters in enacting their voter ID law. GOP legislators could appeal to the state Supreme Court, but given its 6-1 Democratic majority, a reversal appears unlikely.

Earlier this year, a federal court issued its own preliminary injunction in a separate case ahead of an upcoming trial, and a panel of three judges on the 4th Circuit Court of Appeals reversed a lower court ruling on Friday to allow GOP legislative leaders to intervene as defendants.

Democratic state Attorney General Josh Stein had previously announced he would wait until after the March 3 primaries to appeal the federal ruling (Stein has a general obligation to defend state laws in most instances), so the voter ID requirement was already on hold in this month's vote. However, this latest state-court decision means the law could remain suspended for the November general election while the case proceeds.

FELONY DISENFRANCHISEMENT

 Florida: Federal Judge Robert Hinkle has given Republican Gov. Ron DeSantis' administration an ultimatum to establish a process to determine which citizens who've served felony sentences are unable to pay off their outstanding court fines and fees and therefore cannot remain subject to the GOP's modern-day poll tax. That law requires the payment of such debts before people with felony convictions can regain their voting rights. Hinkle said that if the state does not act before the start of trial on April 27, he would institute the necessary measures himself.

Hinkle also said on Thursday that he would grant class certification in the case, meaning that his ruling could soon apply to the hundreds of thousands of Floridians who are unable to pay off their court debts to regain their voting rights. Previously, Hinkle had temporarily blocked the poll tax from going into effect, but that decision only applied to the 17 individuals who had brought the case against the law last year.

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Kentucky vs. Tennessee on coronavirus may be the best example of 'elections matter' in decades

Then Democratic candidate Andy Beshear unveiling his health care plan one year ago in Frankfort, Ky.

Last November, voters in Kentucky handed the governorship to Democrat Andy Beshear in a narrow victory of incumbent governor Matt Bevin. Bevin, a Donald Trump favorite, had done his best to undermine Kentucky’s successful deployment of the Affordable Care Act , blamed striking teachers for causing rape, and cancelled background checks for owning a gun. Bevin went out the door with all the class he displayed while in office, pardoning relatives of campaign donors no matter how hideous their crimes. Beshear’s victory was narrow, and for a time Bevin refused to admit defeat and encouraged the Republican-dominated legislature contemplated overturning the election. They did not, and Beshear has since issued executive orders that secured medical care for 95,000 Kentuckians and restored the voting rights of 100,000 former felons.

COVID-19: Actions and results in Kentucky and Tennessee

Originally compiled by local educator Stephanie Jolly, this chart of the difference between what has happened in Kentucky vs. Tennessee is incredibly compelling.

On March 6—the same day that the Kentucky legislature introduced a bill to limit Beshear’s power to issue executive orders—the governor used that power to declare a state of emergency, freeing up funds and resources to begin the state’s fight against COVID-19.  This was a week before Trump declared a national emergency. In fact, it was a day before Andre Cuomo declared a state of emergency for New York.

Beshear issued recommendations on social distancing the next day and began a daily update to reassure the state on actions being taken as well as provide details on the status of the outbreak. Two days after that, he restricted visitations to extended care facilities and prisons. And just five days after the original declaration of emergency, with eight known cases in the state, Beshear instructed every school to close. In the next week, the state ended in-restaurant dining, extended unemployment, and offered free testing to every person in the state—all at Beshear’s direction.

Meanwhile Tennessee had it’s first case on the same day as Kentucky, and Bill Lee did … nothing. As Beshear was closing schools in Kentucky, Lee told the people of his state that there was no reason to close schools or workplaces. Finally, on March 12, Lee declared a state of emergency. And he instructed the schools to close on Friday, March 20.

The result of these two policies is that the neighboring states are on very different paths. While Kentucky has seen an increase in cases, that increase has been slow. Not only does Kentucky have only 48 identified cases, it has conducted 768 tests. Tennessee now shows 228 cases resulting from many fewer tests, and it’s on an arc that is growing at a much higher rate. When cases are moving up exponentially, every moment counts, and acting early has huge implications down the road.

Kentucky is a state where thousands have struggled with the health effects of coal mining for decades. My own home county hosts a center for treatment of “black lung” that affects miners of all ages. These workers are hugely sensitive to a disease such as COVID-19. They have a hard time breathing no their best days.

Since this chart was made, cases in Kentucky have gone up to 63. Tennessee has passed 300. These results may not hold long term, especially with higher numbers of cases on every border, but the government in Kentucky has taken appropriate action to protect its citizens.

Thank goodness Kentucky voted in a Democrat. Thank God for Andy Beshear.

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Voting rights roundup: Coronavirus may disrupt upcoming elections — and lawmakers need to act

LEADING OFF

 Coronavirus: As the coronavirus pandemic grows worse, schools and public services have shut down as authorities urge people to distance themselves from others to avoid spreading the disease. Thanks in large part to Donald Trump lying to downplay the crisis for his own self-interest, the virus threatens to create major disruptions in many aspects of life and endangers the lives of countless Americans. But holding November's elections on time is essential to ensure the legitimacy and stability of our political system in the face of the ongoing public health crisis and the economic crisis it is causing, which is why voting by mail is an indispensable tool for ensuring voting is safe.

​Universal vote-by-mail works by having officials send every registered voter a ballot that they can return by mail. Under such a system, states and localities can operate far fewer in-person voting locations and need far fewer poll workers to operate them. Ideally, the postage on ballots is prepaid, and voters are given ample time to cast their ballots without hassle. That includes being able to postmark ballots as late as Election Day, or to return them in person at one of numerous drop box locations. Officials must also continue to provide access to a limited number of in-person voting locations for those who still want to vote that way or are physically unable to do so by mail.

As shown on the map at the top of this post (see here for a larger version), Colorado, Hawaii, Oregon, Utah, and Washington have already transitioned to universal voting by mail. In many other states, voters can sign up to receive mail ballots on a permanent basis, which is why majorities in some states such as California, Arizona, and Montana already cast ballots by mail.

Meanwhile, several states, including MichiganPennsylvania, and Virginia, have in recent years made it considerably easier to vote absentee by mail. But a large number of states still don’t allow voters to cast absentee ballots without providing an excuse, such as illness or being away from home.

Adopting universal voting by mail is imperative now that the coronavirus has become a pandemic that could infect most Americans. As governments urge citizens to avoid crowded public spaces and to vigilantly wash their hands, asking millions of people to stand in lines on Election Day and use the same voting machines and the same pens to fill out paper ballots threatens public health and could dampen voter turnout. Furthermore, because poll workers are disproportionately the same elderly Americans who are most at risk, states and localities may have trouble finding enough poll workers, and those who do show up will be at greater risk of catching or spreading the disease.

These problems should be largely avoidable with universal voting by mail, since it almost entirely eliminates in-person voting and the public gatherings that go with it. Furthermore, mail voting is a cost-saving measure that frees up resources for other priorities because governments have to operate far fewer in-person polling places. It also has a long track record of increasing voter turnout in the states that have adopted it, thanks to how easy it makes it to vote, especially when prepaid postage negates the need for voters to go to the post office.

Of course, voting by mail is not a silver bullet, as it can create problems for voting access if not implemented properly alongside other voting methods for those who can't easily vote by mail. It also poses a health risk of its own: Washington’s secretary of state has urged voters not to lick their ballot return envelopes to seal them and instead moisten their envelopes with a sponge to minimize the chance that those handling ballots come into contact with potentially infected saliva.

Congress has the power to mandate that every state implement universal voting by mail, and if it acts now, it can provide states with the necessary funds to do so before November. Should Trump and Senate Republicans block House Democrats from passing such a bill, states themselves should take action to fully shift to vote-by-mail, and if that's not possible, then at least broadly expand no-excuse absentee voting. Doing so quickly will ensure that any new system can be properly implemented.

In fact, officials in a number of states have already taken action to protect voters. The list below details a few of these activities:

Finally, the ACLU has published a guide on how to request an absentee ballot in states with upcoming primaries.

2020 CENSUS

 2020 Census: On Thursday, the Census Bureau unveiled its online portal for the 2020 census, which is the first-ever to be conducted primarily online. The bureau is mailing a 12-digit census ID to every American, which can be used to fill out the census on the web. It's possible to complete the census online without this number, but experts advise waiting for it to arrive as it will help census workers verify responses more easily. If, however, you do not receive an ID number by March 20, you should proceed without one.

As in decades past, millions of Americans have also been sent physical census forms that they can complete and mail back. It's also possible to respond over the phone. Every person residing in the U.S. regardless of their citizenship or immigration status is obligated to complete the census (note it does not ask about citizenship). For those who don't complete it online, by mail, or by phone, census workers will try to contact them in-person at their residence to get them to complete it ahead of the bureau's April 1 deadline.

Americans who complete the census on their own can make it significantly easier for the bureau to reach those who are hardest to count, such as those who lack reliable internet or mail service. Furthermore, completing the census without the need for a census worker to come to your door can help mitigate the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic, which threatens to disrupt the census' operations.

The outbreak could in fact have an impact on the census. Amid an ongoing wave of closures among businesses and schools, the Census Bureau told the House Oversight Committee on Friday that it could extend the census if necessary because of the disease, with officials saying they are monitoring response rates before making that determination.

BALLOT MEASURES

 Alaska: Supporters of an initiative effort that would change Alaska's electoral system have submitted enough valid signatures to qualify for November's ballot if it survives an upcoming court battle. The measure would replace Alaska's traditional primaries with a "top-four" primary where the four candidates with the most support advance to the general election, regardless of party. In the general election, voters would use instant-runoff voting to choose from the final four. The initiative would also create campaign donor disclosure requirements for "dark money" donations that are currently exempt.

However, Alaska Republicans are trying to thwart the measure in court, arguing that it violates the limitation on the number of subjects a single initiative may address. A lower court previously ruled that the initiative could proceed, but an appeal is pending before the state Supreme Court.

 Florida: State House Republicans have passed a constitutional amendment over Democratic objections that it would impose additional restrictions on the initiative process. These restrictions follows on the heels of a 2019 GOP-backed statute that made it harder to put initiatives on the ballot, which itself was a reaction to several progressive measures that voters had passed over the last decade. Those measures included the restoration of voting rights for up to 1.4 million citizens who had been permanently banned from voting despite serving out felony sentences, as well as a pair of amendments that banned gerrymandering.

The GOP's new amendment would make it harder for organizers to place a measure before the state Supreme Court for review, a step required by law before an initiative can appear on the ballot. Currently, activists must gather 10% of the total number of signatures needed to qualify for the ballot statewide and in one-fourth of the state's 27 congressional districts in order to reach the Supreme Court. Republicans would increase that to 25% of the statewide total in half of all districts, which could waste significant time and resources if the court rejects a proposed measure.

The amendment would also require the state attorney general to ask the court whether proposals violate the U.S. Constitution; currently, the court's jurisdiction is confined to assessing whether the ballot summary language is accurate and the measure is limited to only one subject.

Additionally, the GOP's legislation would likely shorten the window to gather signatures. Under current law, organizers can collect signatures for up to two years; if they obtain a sufficient number, their initiative can appear on the ballot at the next general election. The GOP's new rule would instead invalidate all signatures after Feb. 1 of every even-numbered year. That would remove groups' ability to begin signature collection at the time of their choosing if they want to avail themselves of the full two-year period, in practice likely abbreviating the amount of time they have to gather petitions.

Unlike in the House, Republicans are one seat shy of the three-fifths majority in the state Senate needed to put the amendment on the ballot, and it's unclear if they have a Democrat willing to cross their party and support it. If the measure does make it onto the ballot, voters would have to approve it with a three-fifths supermajority for it to take effect.

 Ohio: Ohio's Supreme Court, which has a 5-2 conservative majority, has agreed to hear a legal challenge by the ACLU seeking to overturn a recent party-line decision by the state's Ballot Board to split a far-reaching voting rights initiative into four separate measures because it allegedly violated the single-subject limit for a ballot initiative. The ACLU is continuing to gather the signatures needed for each of the four measures, but if the group prevails in court, the measures would be reconsolidated.

The proposal includes automatic voter registration, same-day voter registration, a guaranteed number of early voting days, a ban on tightening Ohio's voter ID law to exclude non-photo IDs, and a requirement to carry out routine audits of election results.

VOTER SUPPRESSION

 Georgia: Republican Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger has settled a federal lawsuit brought by Democrats who were fighting Georgia's system of arbitrarily deciding which absentee ballots to reject over supposedly non-matching signatures, a process they've carried out without even notifying affected voters. Under the settlement, election officials must contact voters whose ballots are rejected within three days, or within one day if they are cast in the 11 days prior to an election, and give them a chance to fix the problem.

Absentee rejections were one of many issues that plagued the 2018 midterms, which were marred by voter suppression efforts by Republican Gov. Brian Kemp, who at the time was secretary of state. Statewide, 3% of absentee ballots were rejected, or more than 8,000 in total. But that rate varied widely by county: populous Democratic-leaning Gwinnett County in the Atlanta suburbs, for instance, had a rejection rate of more than 7%.

 Montana: The ACLU has filed a lawsuit in state court seeking to overturn a constitutional amendment that Republican legislators passed and voters approved in 2018 to limit who can turn in someone else's absentee mail ballot, saying that it illegally discriminates against Native American voters. The lawsuit argues that the amendment violates a number of protections in the state constitution, including the right to vote, freedom of speech, freedom of association, and due process.

The amendment makes it a felony to turn in someone else's absentee ballot unless the person doing so is the voter's family member, caregiver, household member, or acquaintance, and even those individuals may turn in no more than six others' absentee ballots. Only postal workers and election officials are fully exempt.

Montana is one of a few states that lets voters opt into permanently receiving an absentee mail ballot in all elections, which is intended to make it easier to vote, and most voters cast their ballot that way. However, because many Native Americans living on remote reservations lack reliable postal service and access to transportation, many ask others who do not face such barriers to turn in their ballots for them. Plaintiffs noted that get-out-the-vote organizers often collect 80 or more ballots each.

Neither liberals nor conservatives hold a reliable majority on Montana's Supreme Court, making it uncertain how the justices would rule if this case eventually reaches them.

 Ohio: A panel of three judges on the 6th Circuit Court of Appeals has overturned a district court decision, ruling that election officials do not have to extend the deadline for sending absentee ballots to those who are in jail awaiting trial. The lower court had blocked Ohio from enforcing its normal absentee ballot deadline for those inmates, which is the Saturday before Election Day, because it was tighter than the deadline for people in other emergency situations, such as those in the hospital, who have until 3 PM on Election Day to request a ballot.

This ruling means that anyone who hasn't already voted early and is arrested and jailed within the last few days preceding an election will be disenfranchised even though they haven't been convicted of a crime. The 6th Circuit, however, concluded that requiring election officials to provide ballots to individuals who find themselves in such situations (around 1,000 in a typical election) would be too burdensome on election officials and said that Ohioans could mitigate their risk by voting early. Plaintiffs have not said whether they will appeal.

 Wisconsin: The conservative group seeking to have Wisconsin to purge more than 200,000 voter registrations has asked the state Supreme Court to expedite its appeal after the state Court of Appeals ruled against it last month. In January, the plaintiffs had sought an expedited review by the high court, but the justices rejected the request in a 3-3 deadlock despite the court's 5-2 conservative majority.

That unexpected ruling came about because one conservative justice, Brian Hagedorn, sided with the court's two progressives, while Justice Dan Kelly, another conservative, recused himself because his seat is up for election on April 7. However, Kelly now says he could change his mind and participate in the case if it stretches out past the election. But even if Kelly loses, his successor wouldn’t take office until early August, meaning his participation could determine the outcome.

VOTER REGISTRATION AND VOTING ACCESS

 North Carolina: An African American voting rights advocacy group has filed a lawsuit in state court arguing that a bipartisan 2019 law to tighten absentee ballot requests in the wake of 2018's GOP election fraud scandal violates the state constitution. That scandal centered around a Republican operative who tampered with absentee ballots to fraudulently cast votes for the GOP candidate in the 9th Congressional District and may have discarded votes cast for the Democrat. In response, lawmakers near-unanimously enacted measures as part of a larger package of reforms to prevent a repeat occurrence in future elections.

However, the plaintiffs argue that by restricting who may assist voters with requesting an absentee ballot to only relatives, it prevents get-out-the-vote campaigns from encouraging absentee voting and therefore violates the state constitution's guarantee of the right to vote.

 Virginia: Democratic Gov. Ralph Northam has signaled he is likely to sign a number of election-related bills into law that Democrats recently passed in both chambers after taking control of the legislature for the first time in 25 years. Northam has already approved one measure that directs officials to count absentee ballots postmarked as late as Election Day, so long as they receive them no more than three days later.

Other bills awaiting Northam's signature include one that mandates prepaid postage on mail ballots, which are set to become more popular since Democrats also passed legislation to make it significantly easier to cast an absentee ballot. Another measure would replace the GOP's photo voter ID requirement with a provision allowing non-photo IDs such as a bank statement or utility bill.

However, Democrats failed to pass a bill before adjourning last week that would have revived a key protection of the Voting Rights Act that the Supreme Court's conservatives gutted in 2013. The state Senate and House each passed separate versions of the bill but were unable to agree on a single version, which would have required all localities in the state to obtain "preclearance" from the state attorney general (currently Democrat Mark Herring) or a state court before enacting any changes to election procedures to ensure they didn't discriminate against any racial, ethnic, or language minority.

CAMPAIGN FINANCE AND BALLOT ACCESS

 Florida: Florida's Republican-majority state House has passed a constitutional amendment with a large bipartisan majority to repeal the state's public financing system for statewide executive elections. If the GOP-run state Senate also approves the measure with at least a three-fifths majority, it would go to the voters in November, who would also have to pass it with at least 60% support for it to take effect. It's unclear why most Democrats sided with Republicans to pass it, especially after Democratic candidates made use of the program in 2018.

Under current law, candidates for statewide offices who raise qualifying contributions (at least $150,000 for governor and $100,000 for other offices) in increments of up to $250 receive public funding at a two-to-one matching rate. In return, they must agree to abide by expenditure limits of $2 per registered voter for governor or $1 per voter in other races, which in 2018 came out to $27 million and $13.5 million, respectively.

 New York: A state court has struck down the third-party ballot access restrictions and campaign finance regulations imposed by New York's State Public Campaign Financing Commission, which Democratic Gov. Andrew Cuomo and the Democratic legislature created after they were unable to agree on new reforms. The court held that the law creating the commission had itself violated the state constitution by improperly delegating legislative authority, siding with the progressive Working Families Party, which had sued over the commission's rules that would have made it harder for it to maintain access to the ballot.

Under the previous law, parties only had to win 50,000 votes in the most recent gubernatorial election to be automatically awarded a spot on the ballot over the next four years, and because New York's "fusion voting" lets candidates win the nomination of multiple parties, third parties play a prominent role in New York. However, the commission's now-invalidated rules required parties to meet a threshold every two years starting after 2022, and that benchmark would also increase: to either 2% or 130,000 votes in the preceding presidential election or gubernatorial contest, the latter of which takes place in midterms.

The WFP argued that Cuomo was retaliating against the party for backing a primary challenge against him from the left, prompting the organization to file suit alongside some legislators from both major parties.

This lawsuit also invalidates the campaign finance reforms the commission adopted, which set the donation limit for individual donors giving to statewide candidates at $18,000—considerably lower than the current $70,000 cap but still much higher than federal donation limits of $2,800 per election. The limits for state Senate and Assembly had also been lowered to $10,000 and $6,000, respectively. However, the commission hadn't reduced the limit for party committees, which can receive a hefty $117,300 from a single donor that they can then give to candidates.

The commission's public financing rules had set up a system where donations up to $50 were matched at a 12:1 ratio, those between $50 to $150 were matched 9:1, and those from $150 and $250 were matched 8:1. While that meant a $250 donation could qualify for an extra $2,300 in matching funds, the new system imposed a sharp limitation by only applying to donors who live within the district that a candidate is running for. That curtailed the effectiveness of this new program, particularly for campaigns in less affluent districts, and all of the campaign finance measures fell far short of what good government groups have advocated for.

Democratic state Attorney General Tish James, a Cuomo ally, has not yet said whether she will appeal the ruling.

REDISTRICTING

 Arkansas: Redistricting reformers have filed a ballot initiative that would amend Arkansas' constitution to create an independent citizens' commission for congressional and legislative redistricting and are seeking to put it on November's ballot.

Currently, the Republican-run legislature would control congressional redistricting following this year's census, and an all-GOP board made up of the governor, secretary of state, and attorney general would oversee legislative redistricting. If this measure qualifies for the ballot and passes, it would prevent Republicans from using their first-ever opportunity to gerrymander the state.

The proposed measure would create a commission whose nine members cannot have been an elected official, lobbyist, party official, or an employee or relative of such people within the last five years. The state Supreme Court's chief justice would appoint a panel of three retired state judges to help select the commissioners from among citizen applicants, and they would group the applicants into three pools of 30 people each, one for Democrats, Republicans, and unaffiliated voters.

The governor and legislative leaders of both parties in each chamber would each be able to strike two applicants from each pool, whittling each group down to 20 names. The judges would then randomly select three applicants from each of the pools to choose the commission's nine members. It would take the vote of six members to pass any map, including a two-member majority from each of the three party groups.

The commissioners would be bound by several criteria when drawing maps, including that they be drawn using the total population and don't unduly favor any party. Commissions would also be required to consider, in order of priority, a number of other factors: contiguity; protection of racial and language minorities; barring county or city divisions except to satisfy the other criteria; compactness; and political competitiveness.

To qualify for the ballot, backers must obtain roughly 89,000 voter signatures, including signatures equal to 5% of the last gubernatorial vote in 15 of Arkansas' 75 counties. Importantly, 2020 could be the last chance to use an initiative to reform redistricting, since Republican lawmakers have placed a constitutional amendment of their own on November's ballot that could make it all but impossible to pass progressive-oriented ballot measures. The GOP's proposal would require that organizers gather signatures equal to 5% of the gubernatorial vote in 45 counties instead of just 15. Democratic voters, as Republican legislators are well aware, are heavily concentrated in a small number of counties.

 North Dakota: Election reformers have filed a ballot initiative to amend North Dakota's constitution in order to enact bipartisan redistricting reform and change both how North Dakotans cast their ballot and the electoral system they use.

The initiative would replace traditional primaries with a "top-four" system where the four candidates with the most support would advance to the general election regardless of party. From there, instant-runoff voting would be used to determine the winner. Additionally, the measure would require that any voting machines create a paper record of every vote (North Dakota currently uses paper ballots by default and voting machines for voters with disabilities) and that the secretary of state conduct routine audits of elections.

The other major change would be to remove the Republican-dominated legislature's control over state legislative redistricting (North Dakota only has a single congressional district, which covers the entire state). The proposal would hand redistricting over to the state Ethics Commission, which voters created with a 2018 ballot initiative. The Ethics Commission's five members are chosen unanimously by the governor and the majority and minority leaders of the state Senate. Commissioners can't be elected officials, candidates, or party officials, and unanimity would be required to pass any map.

The amendment would also impose several criteria on the maps commissioners could draw, listed in descending priority as follows: following federal law; equality based on total population; contiguity; ensuring minority groups and Native American tribes have an equal opportunity to elect their preferred candidates; barring maps that favor an incumbent, candidate, or party; keeping communities of interest whole; keeping local government jurisdictions, including tribal governments, whole; compactness; and maximizing political competitiveness.

It's unclear what would happen if the commissioners are unable to unanimously pass a map, since there is no provision in the amendment addressing such a scenario. Most likely, a federal or state court would step in to draw new districts, but there's no guarantee that judges would be bound by the specific criteria that the commission must follow. Nevertheless, either a commission or court-drawn map would likely be fairer than another decade of Republican gerrymandering.

To qualify for the ballot, supporters will have to gather nearly 27,000 signatures, equal to 4% of the state's 2010 census population.

 Oklahoma: Conservatives in Oklahoma have filed two new lawsuits in state court in an attempt to prevent a measure that would set up a new redistricting commission from appearing on the ballot this year.

Backers of the initiative revised and resubmitted their ballot summary text following the state Supreme Court's rejection of their original summary as inaccurate last month. In this latest suit, opponents argue that the new summary is also inaccurate; that the measure violates the U.S. Constitution by counting prisoners at their last address instead of where they are incarcerated; and that it's unconstitutional because it limits who can serve on the commission.

The measure in question would create an independent commission for congressional and legislative redistricting. The state Supreme Court previously ruled that it did not violate the First Amendment or the state constitution's limitation on initiatives addressing more than one subject. The high court has a 5-4 majority appointed by Democratic governors, but that alone is no guarantee that the court will reject these latest challenges.

 Utah: Utah Republicans have quickly passed a bill out of the legislature that could effectively gut the redistricting reform ballot initiative that voters passed in 2018. Most Democrats voted for the bill after extracting certain concessions from Republicans to stop them from completely repealing the bill, but it remains in doubt whether these concessions will actually prevent the GOP from gerrymandering again after the 2020 census.

The ballot initiative in question created a bipartisan advisory redistricting commission to recommend maps to the legislature drawn based on nonpartisan criteria. While the legislature could reject the commission's maps and draw their own, they'd still legally be bound by the same criteria. The original measure had legislative leaders from both parties each picking three members and the governor naming a seventh member as chair, and it would take five votes to recommend a map.

While this system would let Republicans appoint a majority thanks to their hold on the governor's office, it would take the vote of at least one of the Democratic appointees to pass a map. If the GOP-dominated legislature doesn't like what the commission proposes, it could pass its own maps, but it would still be constrained by the criteria described below, which could be enforced in state court.

In order of priority, those criteria are: following federal law and the Voting Rights Act; minimizing the number of divided municipalities; minimizing the number of divided counties; promoting compactness; ensuring transportation connections exist within districts; preserving neighborhoods and communities of interest; following natural geography; and nesting districts so that state Senate and state House borders overlap as much as possible. Most importantly, it bans unduly favoring or disfavoring any particular party or candidate intentionally and must be relatively "symmetrical" between the parties.

By contrast, the GOP's bill would let the commission recommend maps with a simple majority if they can’t obtain five votes, meaning Republicans would not need any Democratic support to approve a map. The partisan symmetry requirement would also be eliminated, and the commission would have greater flexibility to define the remaining criteria. Most importantly, the bill repeals the ability of voters to seek injunctive relief in court if the lawmakers pass a map that does not comply with the nonpartisan standards described above.

As such, this effectively invites GOP gerrymandering. Utah only lets voters initiate statutes instead of constitutional amendments, and with supermajority control, there was always the threat that Republicans could simply repeal the commission outright. While an outright repeal has not come to pass, it appears that this legislation is likely to neuter the commission.

STATE SUPREME COURT ELECTIONS

 Georgia: Two lawsuits have been filed in state court to require an election that Republican Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger canceled for a state Supreme Court seat. Justice Keith Blackwell, who was appointed to his post by former Republican Gov. Sonny Perdue, announced last month that he intended to resign in mid-November, six weeks before his term ends, rather than seek re-election. However, by calling off the planned May 19 election, Raffensperger's move would give Republican Gov. Brian Kemp the chance to appoint a replacement for Blackwell, who wouldn't have to go before voters until 2022.

Democratic Rep. John Barrow and former GOP state Rep. Beth Beskin each filed their separate lawsuits after being denied the chance to run for Blackwell's seat, arguing that Raffensperger violated the state constitution's guarantee that voters can select their Supreme Court justices. They also noted that Blackwell hasn't even resigned yet, saying that Kemp can't make an appointment while the seat is still occupied. If plaintiffs prevail, it's unclear if this litigation will be resolved quickly enough to reinstate a May election, or whether it would have to be delayed.

Notably, this is now the second Supreme Court election that Raffensperger has canceled and that Barrow and Beskin had intended to run in. The first was for the seat of former Democratic-appointed Justice Robert Benham, who unexpectedly announced late last year that he would resign in early March. No suits were filed in that instance, so Kemp will get the chance to fill that seat. Once he does, eight of the court's nine justices will have been selected by Republican governors.

FELONY DISENFRANCHISEMENT

 Florida: As part of the ongoing federal litigation over the Florida GOP's modern-day poll tax on people who've served their felony sentences but still owe court fines and fees, a University of Florida professor serving as an expert witness for the plaintiffs has filed a report with the court showing just how extensive the disenfranchisement caused by the poll tax would be if it remains in place.

The report estimates that of roughly 1 million people who were supposed to regain their voting rights, 775,000 of them still owe financial obligations in court and would be barred from voting, while only 226,000 are now eligible to vote. Furthermore, 43% of the disenfranchised are African American, roughly three times the black share of the state's overall adult population.

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Trump’s Google coronavirus website lie may be the ultimate in simply making stuff up

During his Friday afternoon press event—an event that seemed focused entirely on pumping up the stock market by name dropping as many corporations as possible—Donald Trump claimed that Google was working on a website that would help worried Americans figure out if they needed to be tested for the novel coronavirus. The website, according to Trump would be done soon, and would not only provide information on whether a test was called for, but advise on where to go for a test. Trump was not only very specific, noting that Google had “1,700 engineers working on this right now,” but took the time to make a backhanded swipe at the initial difficulties of the web site connected to the Affordable Care Act.

Trump’s claim about the Google site wasn’t something made in passing. He went on at length. “Google is going to develop a website,” said Trump. And getting in that knock against the difficulties in bringing the Obamacare insurance site up to snuff, he added, “It’s going to be very quickly done, unlike websites of the past.” Trump then went on to detail how this site would direct Americans to testing facilities; testing facilities which Trump hyped as if he was opening a chain of chicken sandwich joints. “Determine if a test is warranted, and facilitate testing at a nearby convenient location. We have many, many locations behind us, by the way. We cover this country and large parts of the world, by the way. We’re not gonna be talking about the world right now, but we cover very, very strongly our country. Stores in virtually every location.” Stores. He actually called them stores. “ Google has 1,700 engineers working on this right now. They have made tremendous progress.”

This wasn’t the only time Trump referred to the site during his press event. Dr. Debbie Birx even brought a visual aid, a poster suitable for hanging in any fourth grade classroom, that supposedly showed the functionality of this site. Birx reinforced Trump’s statements that Americas would be able to select them symptoms, check on whether they needed to be tested, and get directed to the nearest facility. She even added to the supposed functionality, suggesting that after taking a test, people would be able to check on their results.

It was only hours after Trump talked that Google slipped out an announcement to explain just when Americans would be able to access this wonder site directing them to the nearest Honest Don’s Really Existing Testing Station. That would be never.

Google is working on nothing, they explained. Verily Life Sciences—another company opened by the same parent, Alphabet—is working on a site, but nothing about it matches what Trump said. That site is to help triage COVID-19 patients. It’s only for the Bay Area. And it’s not just about to appear, it’s still in “early stages of development.” Google doesn’t specify how many engineers are working on the site at Verily, but since the entire staff of Verily, most of whom are not web developers, is just 400 people, it’s a cinch it’s not “1,700 engineers.”

So where did Trump get that this was a national site? Where did he get the idea that it was going to be ready soon? Where were the descriptions of the functionality generated? Where did the figure of 1,700 engineers come from?

Those are really good questions. Which you can bet that the press will not ask at the next event.

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Voting Rights Roundup: Virginia nears final passage of several bills to expand voting access

LEADING OFF

 Virginia: In a busy session that will soon wrap up, Democrats in both chambers of Virginia's legislature have advanced a broad array of bills to make voting easier and reform the state's election procedures. These measures, which we've previously described in detail, would:

Other bills have seen different versions pass in both chambers, which must be reconciled. Those measures include bills to prepay the postage on absentee ballots and replace the GOP's photo voter ID requirement by allowing non-photo IDs to count.

Democrats also passed a bill in a state Senate committee to create a state-level replacement for a key provision of the Voting Rights Act that the Supreme Court struck down in 2013. The legislation would impose a requirement that all localities in the state "preclear" any proposed changes to election rules or procedures with either the state attorney general (currently Democrat Mark Herring) or with the state Court of Appeals to ensure that they do not discriminate against any racial, ethnic, or language minority. The state House has already approved the bill.

Virginia's legislative session is scheduled to end on March 7, so time is quickly running short to pass these remaining bills.

REDISTRICTING

 Colorado: Democrats in both chambers of the legislature have passed a bill largely along party lines to end the practice of prison gerrymandering by counting incarcerated people for redistricting purposes at their last address instead of where they are imprisoned (and can't even vote). Supporters expect Democratic Gov. Jared Polis to sign it into law. Roughly 19,000 people would be reassigned from locations with prisons to their prior communities, which could shift representation at the legislative and local levels from whiter communities with prisons to urban communities of color.

 Pennsylvania: The NAACP has filed a lawsuit in state court to end prison gerrymandering in Pennsylvania and require the state to count incarcerated people for redistricting purposes at their last address, arguing that the practice dilutes the power of certain groups of voters in violation of the state constitution's guarantee that "[e]lections shall be free and equal." If the plaintiffs prevail, ending prison gerrymandering would likely shift representation at the legislative and local levels from whiter rural communities to urban communities of color such as Philadelphia.

The constitutional provision plaintiffs are relying on is the same one that the state Supreme Court used to strike down Republicans' congressional gerrymander in 2018. The NAACP is also simultaneously waging a lawsuit in federal court over prison gerrymandering in Connecticut.

COURT CASES

 North Carolina: The good-government group Common Cause has asked the North Carolina Supreme Court to review a recent state Court of Appeals ruling that rejected the organization's challenge to a series of power grabs Republicans pushed through during the lame-duck session of the legislature following the 2016 elections. Last month, the appellate court rebuffed the plaintiffs' argument that the GOP's legislative blitzkrieg was executed so quickly that it violated the state constitution's guarantee of the people's right to instruct their legislature.

​As we've previously explained, the case has its origins in the 2016 elections, when Democratic Roy Cooper ousted Republican Gov. Pat McCrory and broke the GOP's grip on state government. In response, Republicans passed a law that removed the governor’s power to appoint a majority on the state Board of Elections and its county-level counterparts. McCrory’s administration had used its control over the boards to cut early voting and remove polling places from college campuses and heavily black communities. Removing Cooper’s power to appoint new majorities blocked Democrats from reversing those cuts.

Republicans also passed another law subjecting Cooper's cabinet appointees to confirmation by the GOP-dominated state Senate, a burden they had not placed on McCrory. Furthermore, they slashed the number of executive branch appointees from 1,500 to just 425, a reversal from the increase in such positions Republicans had pushed through after McCrory replaced his Democratic predecessor in 2012.

This madcap legislative session also saw the GOP transfer powers from the state Board of Education, whose members are chosen by the governor, to the state's superintendent of public instruction, a Republican elected official. In addition, they eliminated the governor’s ability to appoint members to the University of North Carolina’s board of trustees, instead granting that power to the legislature itself.

The Board of Elections power grab was eventually struck down, passed by the GOP once more and then struck down yet again multiple times, but Cooper finally was able to appoint a Democratic majority after the 2018 elections. However, most of the GOP's other power grabs are still in effect, as is another provision of the lame-duck legislation that made elections for the state Supreme Court and Court of Appeals elections partisan again after a period during which they were nonpartisan (a move that backfired on Republicans in 2018).

If the Supreme Court hears the case and the plaintiffs prevail, all of these other changes would also be struck down. The high court has a 6-1 Democratic majority, though that does not offer a guarantee of a different outcome, particularly seeing as the appeals court panel that heard the case was bipartisan.

ELECTORAL COLLEGE

 Virginia: Democrats failed to pass a bill out of state Senate committee that would add Virginia's 13 Electoral College votes to the National Popular Vote Interstate Compact, dealing a setback to the effort to elect the president by popular vote. However, the bill is still alive and could be passed by the Senate after November's elections. State House Democrats already passed the bill, so future success in the Senate would send it to Democratic Gov. Ralph Northam, who has said he supports the bill.

VOTER REGISTRATION AND VOTING ACCESS

 Washington, D.C.: The heavily Democratic City Council in Washington, D.C. has passed two bills in committee to make it easier to vote, sending them to the full body for a vote. One of the bills would require both that employers give workers two hours of paid leave to vote and that schools give eligible students two hours of excused absence to vote. The other bill would require that new renters or homebuyers be given a voter registration form when they move, along with information on how and where to vote at their new address.

Every council member is sponsoring the paid leave for voting bill, and six of the 13 members are sponsoring the requirement that new tenants be given registration forms.

ELECTION SECURITY

 Georgia: A state court judge has rejected an emergency request to require Georgia to switch to regular paper ballots instead of using its new voting machines. Election security advocates with the Coalition for Good Governance filed a lawsuit on Monday arguing that the large screens on the new machines violate voters' privacy because they make their choices visible to potentially prying eyes, but the judge disagreed. The plaintiffs haven't said whether they will appeal but said that the "issue is far from over."

This same group has also been waging a federal lawsuit seeking to stop Georgia from implementing these new voting machines, which print a paper ballot that relies on a barcode that the plaintiffs say prevents voters from being able to verify that their choices have been accurately recorded. A federal district court previously blocked Georgia from continuing to use its old paperless voting machines, but the case remains ongoing in the plaintiffs' effort to stop the new barcode voting machines from being used.

ELECTIONS

 Arizona: The 9th Circuit Court of Appeals has upheld a lower court ruling that rejected plaintiffs' bid to require a special election for appointed Republican Sen. Martha McSally's seat before November 2020, when an election is currently set to be held to fill the last two years of the late John McCain's original six-year term. The challengers had argued that special elections should be required for Senate vacancies under the 17th Amendment, but the court disagreed. The plaintiffs have not yet said whether they will continue to appeal.

VOTER SUPPRESSION

 Missouri: State House Republicans have given preliminary approval to a bill that would revive the GOP's photo voter ID requirement after the state Supreme Court recently struck it down and allowed the use of non-photo IDs.

This latest proposal would enact what would possibly be the strictest voter ID requirement in the country by mandating that voters present an unexpired Missouri driver's license, non-driver ID card, or a federal government-issued photo ID such as a military ID. If they don't have one, they can vote a provisional ballot that would only be counted if the voter returns with a valid photo ID the very same day at the same polling place.

Another vote in the state House is needed before the bill goes before the state Senate, but with Republicans holding large majorities in both chambers and the governor's office, this bill appears likely to become law. If that happens, another round of litigation is all but assured.

 WisconsinIn a decision issued this week, the Wisconsin Court of Appeals has overturned a lower court ruling that had ordered the state's bipartisan Elections Commission to purge more than 200,000 voter registrations and found the Democratic commissioners in contempt for refusing to carry out the purge while their appeal was pending. However, this success could be short-lived.

At issue in this litigation is a GOP-backed law that requires voters to be removed from the rolls if anyone suspected of moving fails to respond within 30 days to a single mailing. Opponents have argued that the mailing was inadequate and that new notices should be sent to instruct those voters how to stay registered.

Last month, the appeals court temporarily blocked the lower court's decision. However, the conservative group bringing the case is appealing to the state Supreme Court, whose conservative majority will likely be sympathetic to their case.

Meanwhile, the Milwaukee Journal-Sentinel has conducted an analysis of the voters who would be affected and found that most of them actually have voted in recent elections. The report found that 72% of them had cast ballots in the 2016 presidential election, 89% in at least one election since 2006, and 31% in all three presidential races since 2008.

FELONY DISENFRANCHISEMENT

 Kentucky: A supermajority in Kentucky's Republican-dominated state Senate has passed a bill to change a state law that imposes a lifetime ban on voting for anyone with a felony conviction. The GOP's proposed constitutional amendment would give the legislature the authority to set by statute how people who've served their felony convictions could regain their voting rights. That would allow lawmakers to, among other things, impose a waiting period before an affected citizen could regain their rights, which some Republicans would like to set at five years.

The GOP's amendment would also maintain a permanent ban for those convicted of a large number of different crimes, including any violent offense. People convicted of such crimes would have to obtain an individual pardon from the governor to regain their rights, which is currently the case for everyone with a felony conviction.

Roughly half of Democrats opposed the bill, with those voting against it saying it doesn't go far enough. Opponents also warned that it could undermine Democratic Gov. Andy Beshear's recent executive order that automatically restored voting rights to 140,000 people who had served their sentences for non-violent felonies. However, Republican state Senate President Robert Stivers claimed the amendment would not interfere with Beshear's order.

If the state House also approves the bill with a three-fifths supermajority support, it would go before voters as a referendum this fall. Beshear has no ability to veto the measure.

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Voting Rights Roundup: Kentucky GOP moves to strip Democratic governor of his power after election

LEADING OFF

 Kentucky: Republicans in Kentucky's state Senate have passed a bill along party lines that would effectively remove Democratic Gov. Andy Beshear’s control over the state’s Department of Transportation, the latest move in an accelerating trend of Republicans stripping power from Democratic governors before they can take office.

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Voting Rights Roundup: Virginia Dems advance redistricting reform

LEADING OFF

 Virginia: Lawmakers in Virginia's Democratic-run state legislature have advanced a constitutional amendment in the state Senate and state House that would create a bipartisan redistricting commission, a compromise that lawmakers passed last year when Republicans were still in the majority. Legislators have also approved separate "enabling" legislation to strengthen the amendment, which passed with bipartisan support. A separate reform statute intended to function in the absence of the amendment passed along party lines.

As we've previously detailed, the constitutional amendment creates a bipartisan 16-member commission for congressional and legislative redistricting, with half the commissioners made up of legislators from each major party and half composed of citizens picked by retired judges. Maps would be subject to approval by the legislature and governor, but lawmakers could not draw their own.

The amendment turned out to be weaker than what reformers had proposed by dropping a number of criteria, including a ban on maps unduly favoring one party; a requirement to try to keep cities and counties whole; and a mandate to preserve communities of interest. As a result, nothing would prevent bipartisan gerrymandering to protect incumbents, though it would take bipartisan support for the commission to recommend a map to lawmakers, potentially limiting the chance for one-party distortion.

Democratic lawmakers' enabling legislation seeks to address some of these concerns by requiring the commission members to reflect Virginia's demographic and geographic diversity; banning maps that intentionally favor a party or candidate; increasing transparency; and setting nonpartisan guidelines that the state Supreme Court must follow if commissioners fail to pass a map. That last provision is critical because Democrats are concerned that the state's highest court, which is dominated by conservatives, would draw maps that unfairly favor the Republican legislators who elevated them to the bench to begin with.

The final bill, which is intended to function even without the passage of the amendment, contains similar criteria and also would end prison gerrymandering by counting incarcerated people at their last known address instead of where they are imprisoned (and can't even vote). This change would likely shift representation from whiter rural communities to urban communities of color, particularly at the legislative and local levels.

It's unclear which of the two reform efforts will ultimately become law. Even if Democrats' strengthened criteria are enacted, they would still only be statutory and at risk of future repeal, whereas the amendment would be much tougher to roll back. Democrats are considering whether to drop the amendment entirely and instead rely on the second statutory reform bill for the coming redistricting cycle, then later pass a more optimal constitutional amendment. Because Virginia requires amendments to pass both before and after a state general election and then in a referendum, it's too late to pass any other constitutional amendment before the next round of redistricting.

REDISTRICTING

 Alabama: A federal district court has rejected an NAACP-backed lawsuit targeting Alabama's method for electing its appellate courts, ruling that the system does not discriminate against black voters.

The plaintiffs are challenging how Alabama elects judges to its state Supreme Court and intermediate appellate courts. These positions are elected on an "at-large" basis statewide, which prevents black voters from electing their chosen candidates because the state's white majority votes heavily for other candidates (i.e., white Republicans).

The plaintiffs had urged the court to strike down the current method and require the state to use districts to elect judges instead, which would have given black voters a chance to form a majority in some districts where they could elect their preferred candidates (likely black Democrats).

At-large election systems have been struck down across the country under the Voting Rights Act for diluting black and Latino voting power, but prior rulings have almost all dealt with elections for legislative bodies such as city councils. Although the Supreme Court ruled in 1991 that the Voting Rights Act applies to judicial elections, it has rarely been used successfully to combat at-large voting schemes. Plaintiffs have said they are still considering whether to appeal.

 Colorado: Colorado's Democratic-run state House has given its approval nearly along party lines to a bill that would end the practice of "prison gerrymandering" by counting incarcerated people for redistricting purposes at their last address instead of where they are imprisoned (and can't even vote). The bill now goes to the state Senate, where Democrats also hold a majority.

 Missouri: Republican state senators have given preliminary approval to a constitutional amendment that would gut the reforms voters approved in 2018 to make legislative redistricting fairer.

The GOP's amendment would eliminate the post of "nonpartisan demographer," who is tasked with drawing new maps and proposing them to a bipartisan commission appointed by legislative leaders. Instead, it would restore the commission's power to draft maps itself. The amendment also neuters the requirement of partisan fairness in all but name and prioritizes compactness instead.

The amendment also removes a requirement to use the total population for redistricting—the norm in practically every state—and it instead loosens the language to allow for unspecified "data being used." That change opens the door to using the whiter adult citizen population for the purposes of drawing new lines, something that Donald Trump and Republicans pushed heavily for last year as part of a plot to undermine Democratic and Latino representation in redistricting. Although Trump failed in his drive to add a question on citizenship to the census, he's still trying to produce citizenship data by other means for states like Missouri to use.

In order to mislead voters into thinking they're making the system fairer, the GOP has tacked on minor ethics and lobbying restrictions for state lawmakers. Republicans accused the 2018 amendment's proponents of doing this very thing by combining ethics reforms with redistricting reforms, but those reformers were trying to make the system fairer by establishing ethics restrictions in a state that previously had few.

The GOP's new provisions would add little, given how dramatically the 2018 amendment changed the status quo. In one egregious example, lobbyists were previously permitted to give unlimited gifts to lawmakers. The original amendment capped all gifts at $5, leading to a 94% drop in lobbyist spending. The new Republican amendment would simply ban such minor gifts entirely, as though eliminating lobbyists' ability to buy lattes for legislators amounts to meaningful ethics reform.

Republicans still need a further vote in the state Senate before the amendment goes on to the state House for consideration. However, since Republicans hold supermajorities in both chambers, it's almost certain they'll attain the simple majorities they need to put the measure before voters in a referendum. Republicans could schedule that referendum for a date that doesn't coincide with the November general election as a ploy to produce lower turnout that they hope would lean disproportionately conservative.

 Oklahoma: Oklahoma's state Supreme Court has ruled 7-2 to reject the proposed ballot summary language for an initiative that would create an independent redistricting commission. The court, which has a 5-4 majority of justices appointed by Democratic governors, ruled that the summary language did not fully explain the proposal. However, the justices held that the proposal itself was constitutional and did not violate the First Amendment or the state's prohibition on initiatives addressing more than one topic.

Supporters of the initiative have filed new summary text in order to survive judicial scrutiny, and the measure may still qualify for the November ballot. However, future legal action is likely, and proponents would still have to gather enough signatures to qualify for the ballot even if the new language passes legal muster.

VOTER REGISTRATION AND VOTING ACCESS

 Delaware: Delaware's Democratic-majority state Senate has passed a constitutional amendment with a few Republicans voting in favor of removing the excuse requirement to cast an absentee ballot starting with the 2022 elections. The state House, which is also controlled by Democrats, almost unanimously approved the amendment last year only to see it fail to attain the two-thirds support needed to clear the Senate. However, senators were able to muster exactly the two-thirds supermajority they needed to pass it this year after a key Republican reversed his opposition.

Lawmakers would need to pass the amendment with two-thirds supermajorities again after the 2020 elections for it to take effect. The measure would not go before voters: Delaware is the only state in the country that doesn't require a voter referendum to amend its constitution.

 North Dakota: Republican Gov. Doug Burgum and Republican Secretary of State Al Jaeger have adopted rules that could make it easier for Native Americans to vote and ensure that their ballot gets counted. The new rules will give Native tribal officials the authority to work with local election boards to verify provisional ballots cast by tribe members.

North Dakota is the only state in the country that doesn't require voter registration, but voters must show documentation and ID to prove that they are eligible on Election Day. Voters who lack such documents can cast a provisional ballot that only counts if they return with proof of identity. North Dakota does maintain a poll book of those who've voted in past elections to more easily confirm if voters are eligible, and these new rules will also include IDs issued by tribal governments in the poll book database to help facilitate that process.

North Dakota had been at the center of a firestorm in 2018 over voting restrictions that targeted Native American voters when Republicans passed a voter ID law that excluded most tribal IDs because many residents living on reservations lacked a residential address. However, the backlash to that voter ID law prompted activists to raise hundreds of thousands of dollars to provide valid IDs to tribal members, and turnout on reservations in 2018 reached historic highs.

 South Dakota: A committee in South Dakota's Republican-dominated state House has passed a bill almost unanimously to enable online voter registration for voters with a state driver's license or ID card. Republican Secretary of State Steve Barnett is backing the bill, and it will now go to the full House for consideration.

 Utah: Utah's heavily Republican state House has unanimously voted to pass a bill enacting several election law changes, the most notable of which would formalize universal voting by mail and make Utah one of a growing number of Western states to switch entirely to mail voting as a default. The GOP-dominated state Senate has also advanced the bill in committee. Lawmakers are in fact playing catch-up here: They'd already given local election officials the power to switch to all-mail voting, and every county had already decided to adopt the system ahead of the 2020 elections.

The bill also standardizes the registration deadline for voters using various methods to register such as doing so in-person, online, or by mail, setting an 11-day deadline. Utah also allows voters to register in-person on Election Day at the same time they cast their ballot if they aren't already registered.

Meanwhile, a House committee has passed a bill with bipartisan support to repeal that state's straight-ticket voting option, which lets voters mark a single box to vote for all candidates down the ballot who are affiliated with a party. Proponents of the repeal bill, which is sponsored by a Democrat, have argued that the change would make voters more thoughtful about their choices.

Nevertheless, in an era of historic partisan polarization, repealing the option is unlikely to significantly increase split-ticket voting. Instead, academic research on straight-ticket repeal in North Carolina found that it increased voting lines because it takes longer to fill out the ballot. That in turn likely deterred some people from voting and had a disproportionate effect on black voters because they vote straight tickets more often.

Because Utah largely votes by mail, long voting lines are far less of a concern than in other states, though the absence of the straight-ticket option could increase the rate of undervoting in races further down the ballot.

 Virginia: Virginia Democrats and a few Republicans in the state House passed a bill to create a state-level equivalent of the Voting Rights Act this week. The legislation would impose a requirement that all localities in the state "preclear" any proposed changes to election rules or procedures with either the state attorney general (currently Democrat Mark Herring) or with the state Court of Appeals to ensure that they do not discriminate against any racial, ethnic, or language group.

Before it was gutted in an infamous 2013 Supreme Court ruling, the federal Voting Rights Act imposed preclearance requirements on a swath of states and localities with a history of discriminatory voting laws, including Virginia. And Virginia Democrats aren't the only ones considering a state-level preclearance regime: New York Democrats recently introduced a bill of their own, which could mark the start of a new trend.

Meanwhile, Democratic state senators have also passed a bill to loosen Virginia's GOP-backed voter ID law by removing the requirement that only photo IDs are acceptable. Instead, Democrats' bill would allow voters to verify their identity with a non-photo ID such as a utility bill or bank statement. Lawmakers passed the bill along party lines. With Democrats holding the state House and the governor's office, it appears likely to become law.

Lastly, Democrats have passed a separate bill largely along party lines in the state House to make Election Day a state holiday, replacing a holiday honoring Confederate generals who committed treason in defense of slavery. Senate Democrats have already passed similar legislation, and after another procedural vote, the proposal will go to Democratic Gov. Ralph Northam, who has promised to sign it. While the Election Day holiday is intended to increase voting access, we have previously explained how it could have unintended negative consequences.

 West Virginia: Republican Gov. Jim Justice has signed a new law that legislators unanimously passed to enable voters with certain disabilities to vote over the internet via smartphone app or their computer, an option that was already available for military and overseas voters. Lawmakers said they feared failing to enact such legislation would have left the state vulnerable to a lawsuit given that some voters are unable to cast a paper ballot without assistance.

However, election security advocates have warned that any type of internet-based voting is potentially vulnerable to hacking. Other states have adopted methods of voting accessible to people with disabilities that don't pose this same risk, such as certain voting machines that print a ballot and aren't connected to the internet or mobile polling places for mobility-impaired voters.

VOTER SUPPRESSION

 Arizona: Republican state Attorney General Mark Brnovich has asked the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals to stay its recent ruling on absentee ballot collection and out-of-precinct voting while Republicans appeal to the Supreme Court. The 9th Circuit recently struck down a GOP-backed law that restricted who could turn in another person's absentee mail ballot and prevented votes from counting if a voter showed up at the wrong polling place but in the right county, with the court ruling that the law intentionally discriminated against Native American, Latino, and black voters.

BALLOT MEASURES

 Maine: The Maine Republican Party announced on Tuesday that it will attempt a veto referendum of a law Democrats passed in 2019 to extend instant-runoff voting (aka ranked-choice voting) to presidential elections, starting with this year's general election. If Republicans succeed in gathering the roughly 63,000 signatures needed to qualify for the ballot, the law would be suspended until the vote on the measure takes place in November.

This means that if Republicans simply collect enough signatures, they could prevent the law from being used this year even if voters ultimately decide to keep it. Given that Hillary Clinton won Maine with only a plurality in 2016 and the swingy 2nd Congressional District is worth an Electoral College vote by itself, the absence of instant runoff voting could affect how the state awards its electoral votes this year in the event of a close race.

Republicans and a handful of Democratic legislators previously tried to repeal instant-runoff voting for congressional elections and state-level primaries, but voters rejected that effort by a 54-46 margin in a 2018 veto referendum of their own. If the GOP succeeds in placing this referendum on the ballot, it will be the third time in four years that voters will decide whether to implement instant-runoff voting.

 Ohio: Republican state Attorney General Dave Yost has rejected the proposed ballot summary language for a sweeping constitutional amendment that would significantly expand voting access in Ohio if it qualifies for the 2020 ballot. Yost ruled that the summary was too long and that its description of acceptable forms of voter ID wasn't included in the amendment. Supporters have said they will revise and resubmit the summary language. If it ultimately survives scrutiny, they would still have to gather 443,000 signatures to make the November ballot.

As we've previously detailed, the initiative would enact same-day voter registration; automatic registration through Ohio's driver's licensing agency; a guarantee of four weeks of early voting including the two weekends before Election Day; a ban on tightening Ohio's voter ID law to exclude non-photo IDs; and a requirement to conduct routine audits of election results.

ELECTORAL REFORM

 Nevada: A Republican state senator has filed a proposed ballot initiative that would end traditional primaries and switch Nevada's congressional and states races to a "top-two" primary system, where all candidates run on a single primary ballot and the top two finishers advance to the November general election regardless of party affiliation. Supporters are touting the measure as a way to open up Nevada's closed primaries, but rather than simply let voters choose which party primary to participate in, this reform would enact something entirely different.

The top-two primary has failed to work as intended in California and Washington and is notorious for producing outcomes that don't don't reflect the desires of the electorate. One chief reason why: A party can win a majority of votes cast in the primary yet get shut out of the general election simply because it fields a large number of candidates while the minority party only puts forth a few or even just two. Furthermore, primary electorates often feature very different demographic compositions than higher-turnout general elections, producing greater partisan and racial dissonance between the two rounds.

Proponents contend that top-two gives minority-party voters more sway to elect centrist candidates in same-party general elections in districts that heavily favor the majority party. But academic researchers have found little evidence for a moderating effect. Instead, this system creates perverse incentives where party organizations have to coordinate to advance particular candidates before primary voters even get a chance to weigh in, lest their party get shut out of a general election. That effectively shifts much of the nominating process to party insiders instead of empowering voters, which is the opposite of what top-two supporters intend.

Many of these problems could be avoided with an alternate reform such as instant-runoff voting (also known as ranked-choice voting), approval voting, or some other system that lets voters rank their preferences or vote for multiple candidates at once instead of in two separate elections. If supporters of this ballot initiative obtain the nearly 100,000 signatures needed to qualify for the ballot, legislators would first get a chance to consider it in 2021, but if they reject it as is expected, it would then appear on the 2022 ballot.

 Virginia: Democrats and a few Republicans have passed a bill that would allow counties and cities to adopt instant-runoff voting (aka ranked-choice voting) in local elections starting in 2021 if they choose to do so. The measure would let voters rank as many candidates as there are on the ballot in order of their preference. If no candidate wins a majority outright among first preferences, the last-place candidate would be eliminated and have their votes redistributed to their voters' second preference. This process would repeat until a candidate wins a majority among remaining ballots.

ELECTORAL COLLEGE

 Virginia: Democrats have passed a bill along party lines in a state House committee to add Virginia's 13 Electoral College votes to the National Popular Vote Interstate Compact, reversing a defeat for the bill in a vote the previous week. The bill now goes to the full Democratic-controlled House ahead of a key deadline next Tuesday, and it appears to have a plausible chance of eventually becoming law.

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Voting Rights Roundup: Court rules Arizona GOP intentionally discriminated against voters of color

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 Arizona: The 9th Circuit Court of Appeals, with 11 judges participating en banchas overturned a ruling by a panel of three of the circuit's judges that had upheld restrictions backed by Arizona Republicans on counting votes cast in the wrong precinct but in the right county, as well as limitations on who can turn in another person's absentee mail ballot on their behalf. The latest ruling determined that the laws were invalid because Republicans had intentionally discriminated against Native American, black, and Latino voters.

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Voting rights roundup: Proposed Ohio ballot measure would enact sweeping expansion of voting rights

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 Ohio: Voting rights advocates in Ohio have filed a proposed ballot initiative that would amend Ohio's constitution to implement a massive expansion of voting accessibility if it qualifies for the ballot and passes.

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Voting Rights Roundup: Florida's top court validates GOP poll tax on voters with felony convictions

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 Florida: The new conservative majority on Florida's Supreme Court issued an advisory opinion on Thursday validating the modern-day poll tax Republicans passed last year by requiring citizens who've served their felony sentences to also pay off all court-related fines or fees before they can regain their voting rights. The justices concluded that such financial obligations were part of the terms of felony sentences under the new voter-approved constitutional amendment, even though the amendment's ballot summary made no mention of these obligations.​

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