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Pope Leo is the real 'tough guy' in feud with Trump: biographers

President Donald Trump and his administration like to talk about the importance of being manly, but as Trump supporters continue to part ways with the Catholic Church because of papal criticisms of American policy, experts on Pope Leo XIV argued on Sunday that the Vatican contains more authentic masculinity than the White House.

"Toughness is a cardinal virtue in the MAGA movement, where it signals an in-your-face masculinity and a readiness to use force — and even cruelty — to conquer perceived enemies," wrote Daniel Burke and Scott Detrow for The New York Times on Sunday. They wrote a book, "American Pope," about Pope Leo XIV.

"At times, this quality has become intertwined with Christianity, as when Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth in March recited a prayer at the Pentagon for God to 'break the teeth of the ungodly," they continued. They added, "Pope Leo XIV, who has clashed with the Trump administration over the war in Iran and immigration policy, hardly fits this mold of “high T” Christianity. He’s calm and reserved, and often seeks compromise over conflict. But it would be a mistake to misjudge Leo as soft. He’s actually the tough guy here."

From there, they described Pope Leo's career as a missionary and leader of the Augustinian order, as well as his upcoming rigorous trips to Argentina, Peru and Uruguay despite currently recovering from cancer surgery. He also recently undertook a courageous trip to a violent area of Nigeria.

"As pope, he seems a bit more careful about his personal safety (the Swiss Guard helps)," the two biographers continued. "But he remains as determined as ever. In a hot-mic moment at the Apostolic Palace last year, Queen Rania of Jordan turned to Pope Leo and asked with concern, “Your Holiness, do you think it is safe to go to Lebanon?'"

They added: "'Well, we’re going,' he replied with a tight smile. The trip, which included a stop in Turkey, went off safely, despite war in the region. Leo has shown the same resolve during his bout with lung cancer. He announced the diagnosis himself from the Apostolic Palace, revealing a transparency — and vulnerability — rarely, if ever, seen from modern popes."

As one example of the Pope's toughness, they told a story about his recent surgery.

"On the second day after his operation, his surgeon found him arranging chairs in the hospital’s chapel," they wrote. "'Holy Father, we can do that,' his surgeon told him. 'It doesn’t matter,' Leo replied. 'I can do it, so I will.'"

Earlier in October, a journalist who runs a Substack that focuses on Pope Leo XIV also argued that Trump has managed to turn Pope Leo XIV into a freedom fighter analogous to Pope John Paul II during the Cold War.

The new pope has responded to Trump by recognizing that "the danger to human dignity wears a red hat and speaks the language of the right. Just as God raised up John Paul II behind the Iron Curtain to stand up to communism, God has raised up a pope from the Americas, from inside the walls of MAGA authoritarianism, to stand up to it," wrote Christopher Hale, who authors a Substack on Pope Leo XIV.

The pope's opposition to Trump has even cost the president politically.

"With the midterms approaching, the first American pope’s defiant opposition to Trump is coming into view as contributing to Trump’s status as a flailing lame-duck," Juan Williams, a longtime political analyst for Fox News, wrote in June. "Pope Leo is clear in saying Trump is out of step with Christianity’s core teachings: concern for the poor, skepticism of the rich, embrace of the refugees, and love for thy neighbor. These teachings are diametrically opposed to Trump starting war with Iran."

Trump is the grim result of 239-year-old warning ignored by the Founders

The Founding Fathers of the United States were warned about the potential for rampant, corrupt abuses of the pardon powers, and now, one veteran political reporter argued for The Guardian that President Donald Trump is the grim end result of them ignoring that warning.

Writing for the outlet on Sunday morning, James Rosen, an award-winning and long-tenured former political and Pentagon correspondent, predicted that historians will one day rank Trump's "utter abuse" of his pardon authorities at the top of the "shameful list" of his second-term corruption. So far, these abuses have ranged from his unprecedented mass pardon of January 6 participants on his first day back in the White House, to the "astonishing" recent reports about his "robust pardons market in which friends or relatives of criminals offer to pay millions for presidential clemency."

As Rosen explained further, these rampant abuses were foreseen 239 years ago by George Mason, a Founding Father often credited with his critical influence over the Bill of Rights. During the constitutional convention of 1787, Mason warned his fellow framers about the dangers he saw in the pardon powers they were planning to give the presidency.

"At the 1787 Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia, Mason cautioned the new country’s most powerful men – among them George Washington, James Madison, Benjamin Franklin and Alexander Hamilton – against the dangers of giving future American presidents too much power," Rosen explained. "The risk was greatest, he told other delegates, in the absolute pardon power then being enshrined in our supreme law. Mason spoke out strongly against granting a president 'power of pardoning because he may frequently pardon crimes which were advised by himself.'"

He added further: "Washington, who would become the newborn nation’s first president in 19 months, presided as Mason addressed his peers. It was as if he had a crystal ball displaying Trump’s cynical visage... Mason spoke on 15 September 1787, two days before the convention concluded. Perhaps they were too hot and exhausted to focus, but the delegates voted against limiting presidents’ pardon power. Even when Mason begged them at least to put treason beyond the pardon realm, they deferred."

“It may happen, at some future day, that he will establish a monarchy and destroy the republic," Mason warned.

Mason added later, during the Virginia Ratifying Convention: "The president of the United States has the unrestrained power of granting pardons for treason, which may be sometimes exercised to screen from punishment those whom he had secretly instigated to commit the crime, and thereby prevent a discovery of his own guilt."

Mason's efforts were doomed, Rosen explained, due to the insistence of future President James Madison that any president who issued pardons for treason could be met with impeachment and removal, a possibility that has seemed laughable during Trump's second term, given the overwhelmingly deferential GOP Congress that he has governed with.

Trump's strategy just imploded as Bill Clinton’s ominous warning comes to life

An unprecedented surge in Black voter turnout across the American South is fundamentally reshaping the 2026 midterm political landscape. This massive, highly localized mobilization is defying traditional non-presidential voting patterns and threatening to turn what was expected to be a standard midterm election cycle into a "Blue Tsunami" for Democrats, breaking open what were previously considered safe Republican strongholds.

According to extensive reporting by POLITICO Magazine, the catalyst for this dramatic shift stems from deep-seated voter frustration with President Donald Trump's return to power. Specifically, African American voters and community leaders have been galvanized by two major actions: the White House-led effort to aggressively dilute minority-heavy voting districts to benefit the GOP, and the Supreme Court’s subsequent gutting of the Voting Rights Act. Former President Bill Clinton noted that these historically discriminated-against groups possess an "uncanny feel detector," interpreting the recent redistricting pushes as a direct, punitive attempt to strip them of their hard-won political representation.

The visual evidence of this resistance is sweeping across states like Mississippi, Texas, Georgia, South Carolina, and Florida. High-profile Democratic figures—such as Jon Ossoff in Georgia—are drawing massive, multi-generational crowds in traditionally deep-red territory. In places like Tyler and Texarkana, Texas, voters explicitly linked their motivation to memories of the Civil Rights era, noting that modern legislative efforts look exactly like classic voter suppression. Local officials and community organizers have admitted that communities intentionally "camouflaged" their quiet organizing to avoid defensive GOP counter-maneuvers, opting to let Republicans believe Black voters were simply apathetic until it was too late to counteract the wave.

The early and absentee voting data indicates that this hidden wave is now fully exposed, creating a structural panic for conservative campaigns. Republican strategists are facing a "dire scenario" as early data reveals that Black Southerners are voting at a rate outpacing the overall electorate. GOP candidate vulnerabilities have been severely compounded by a souring national political environment, underwhelming conservative campaigns, and a slight bleeding of support among moderate white voters. While kitchen-table issues like the cost of living remain a primary driver for all demographics, working-class Black communities feel uniquely targeted by the administration's healthcare cuts, inflation, tariffs, and foreign policy strains.

Ultimately, this historic turnout has expanded the competitive playing field to an unprecedented degree. If these turnout trends hold through Election Day, they could completely break the Republican party's electoral lock on massive Sun Belt prizes like Texas and Florida, fundamentally upending the balance of power in Washington.

Furious accusations of party sabotage fly from MAGA insiders

Instead of advising their successors, ousted Republican candidates across the nation are remaining silent, or worse, taking a public stance against leaders in their own party, at least according to a new report from Politico. It seems to be the retaliatory effects of those rejected by President Donald Trump or members of his administration.

Outgoing Senator John Cornyn has supported other Republican candidates in fundraising efforts, except Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton, who defeated him in the primary with Trump’s backing. North Carolina Senator Thom Tillis, a vocal Trump critic, played a limited role in the rise of former RNC Chair Michael Whatley, Trump’s hand-picked Senate candidate.

Rep. Mark Amodei has repeatedly criticized David Flippo, the GOP nominee seeking to succeed him, and has now openly rejected voting for him. “The bedwetting from outgoing moderate Republicans will define their legacy and only help socialists get elected,” said David McIntosh, president of the Trump-aligned Club for Growth, which has endorsed Flippo and Paxton. “People like John Cornyn and Mark Amodei need to get on board and support Republican nominees and stop posturing for an MSNOW contract.”

Those speaking out against Trump and the GOP are doing so at a crucial time when much of the country is already in opposition to Trump; even former supporters in red states are growing frustrated with the state of the economy and increasingly concerned about when, if ever, things will stabilize. “What [Trump’s] done is created a coalition that, in my opinion, will not stay with Republicans once we go back to traditional Republican platform priorities,” Tillis said in a recent interview with POLITICO. “A lot of the elements of the populism that Trump created to expand a base that made him successful running for president, I don’t think that stays with the party long-term.”

Many former ousted Republicans are turning on one another as questions about who to blame linger. Tillis, who publicly endorsed former RNC Chair Michael Whatley to succeed him in the 2026 U.S. Senate election, never followed through on offers to help Whatley by contacting donors, said one person anonymously in their chat with the outlet.

“He was never part of our strategy because ... if he could have been helpful to us, then he could have run,” the source said, referring to Tillis’ decision not to seek reelection. “The Tillis of the past year ain’t the same guy who worked overtime to help elect Republican majorities here in NC back in 2010.”

Some argue that Trump’s endorsements are backfiring. Candidates like Flippo, who has faced scrutiny over multiple scandals, including financial controversies, are giving those who have turned against Trump even more ammunition to criticize his picks.

Amodei said in an interview that whoever advised Trump on such an endorsement was not the best suggestion. “The only criteria shouldn’t be, ‘Well, they’re the Republican,’” he said after selecting a third-party candidate. “I mean, politics is a team sport. But when a member of the team turns out to be this way, clearly this is not a bright and shining moment for the vetting process.”

Historian lifts the curtain on 'obsessed' Trump's war on JFK's legacy

President John F. Kennedy created two key foreign policy initiatives — the Peace Corps and the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) — in order to help the world's least fortunate and simultaneously improve America's image.

The Peace Corps sends volunteers to developing countries to help with healthcare, education, infrastructure, women's rights and entrepreneurship. USAID offered assistance with healthcare, education, environmental protection and building democratic institutions.

Under President Donald Trump, the Peace Corps has undergone massive staffing cuts and USAID has been slashed practically into non-existence. Thousands of the laid off public servants remain unemployed, having lost careers in agencies that saved 91 million lives (USAID) and 25 million lives (if one solely regards the Peace Corps' partnership with PEPFAR, created by President George W. Bush, to distribute AIDS vaccines). Even as Trump obsesses over renaming the living memorial to the assassinated Kennedy after himself,

When I spoke with historian Dr. Barbara A. Perry about her upcoming book "Reconcilable Differences," we broached how Kennedy was very proud of those two programs, believing they would both make Earth a better place for all humans and strengthen America's position in geopolitical negotiations. He was heavily swayed in these foreign policy beliefs by former First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt, who saw the Peace Corps as an opportunity to provide young people with stimulating life experiences. Perry shares this story in her book, and dives further into other ways that Roosevelt helped cultivate the young Kennedy. For instance, in the interview below, Perry and I begin by contrasting the Kennedy-Roosevelt view on women's rights with that of Trump and his supporters.

After all, Kennedy and Roosevelt recognized women should be paid equally for the same work as men, while Trump denounces efforts to monitor these things as "DEI" and "woke." Our conversation starts by contrasting the attitudes of the Kennedy-Roosevelt era and those of the Trump era.


The following interview has been lightly edited for clarity, context and length.


Women's rights: Eleanor Roosevelt, John F. Kennedy and Donald Trump

Rozsa: Given that Kennedy and Roosevelt worked hard to guarantee equal pay for equal work for women, how would you say President Donald Trump and his supporters reflect on their legacy by denying that this problem exists and supporting business deregulation?

Perry: I would say that those like Trump and his supporters who think that this is now a solved problem — that women are making as much as men and are being paid equal wages for equal work — are just wrong about the current situation, and indeed they apparently don't know about history and the long arc of this problem. Going back to the Kennedy and Eleanor Roosevelt era, when the president set up the Commission on the Status of Women, it was to try to find equality for women, particularly in the world of employment. Eleanor Roosevelt had been fighting for that since the 1920s. There wasn't much of a public record for any politician at that point, because even though an Equal Rights Amendment had been put forward in Congress in the 1920s, there really hadn't been very many votes in which politicians could make a stand.

So I think it's really positive in their legacy for both Kennedy and Eleanor Roosevelt to have been supportive of equal pay for equal work for women in the workplace, particularly because at that time women only made about 60 cents on the dollar in the same kind of job as a man. And it's still not at 100 percent parity. The last I read, it was certainly better than it was in the 1960s — up maybe in the high 80-cent range or the low 90-cent range — and that's good, but wouldn't it be nice if it were directly equal, or if women even made a little bit more? Certainly we would want it dollar for dollar. So I think those who think the problem has been solved don't understand the history of it.

And despite the fact that we had the first Equal Pay Act for women, put together by this Kennedy commission, passed by Congress and signed into law by him in 1963 — not too long before his assassination, and sadly after Mrs. Roosevelt had passed away in November of '62 — we still haven't come as far as we need to. There was a very famous case that came to the Supreme Court from a woman named Lilly Ledbetter in the early 2000s. And the first law that Barack Obama signed in the White House, within a few days of being inaugurated in 2009, was the Lilly Ledbetter Equal Pay Act. In her work for Goodyear Tire and Rubber Company, she didn't realize at the time that she was being underpaid compared to her male counterparts in the same kinds of jobs.

She only realized that after she and these male colleagues had retired. I guess they were discussing, or she knew about, what they were getting in their retirement benefits, and it was way more than she was receiving, because she had been paid at much lower levels. Under the 1964 Civil Rights Act, which banned gender discrimination in the workplace, there was a very short period of time in which someone needed to report that they were being underpaid relative to male colleagues, and she had long ago missed it because she didn't realize it was happening. And so the court decided — with Alito, by the way, writing the opinion — "Well, that's what the law says, so sorry, Ms. Ledbetter, we can't do anything for you." And from the bench, Ruth Bader Ginsburg said, "Well, something that could be done is for Congress to change that law." And led by Hillary Clinton, Congress did change that aspect of the law, and that's why it's named for Lilly Ledbetter.

Rozsa: That is a fascinating story. You've talked about Presidents John Kennedy, Bill Clinton and Barack Obama, but you have not discussed Trump and what he has done in terms of equal pay for equal work — a cause that I doubt he has ever espoused in his career.

Perry: I think it's safe to say that gender and equal rights between the genders are not issues that he is concerned with or has been concerned with. In fact, it's clear from how he treats women and how he speaks about women that that's not something that is an interest of his, or a societal problem that should be solved by government action. You also mentioned that this is a long-time view of Republicans, to move away from government regulation. Ronald Reagan said it famously in his first inaugural address about the situation the country was in — the recession at the end of the Jimmy Carter years. It was truly bad; interest rates for mortgages were up in the 16, 17 percent range.

So we think it's bad now if it's 7 percent, but it was really just onerous at the time, and we had high unemployment and inflation, so things were not going well. And Ronald Reagan, as he was being inaugurated and giving his address, said, "In the current situation" — meaning given the very bad state of the economy in 1981 — "government isn't the solution to our problems. Government is the problem." So he was very much in that Reagan conservatism, going back to the Barry Goldwater years of the 1960s, and 20 years later proposing lower taxes and fewer government regulations. I grew up in the '60s and '70s, and I knew my parents' stories from the Great Depression era, when my dad's family lost their home. They couldn't pay their mortgage, so they had to go live with family and take food from the local government.

So I knew that sometimes people get into situations no matter how hardworking they are. My grandfather lost his job and they just couldn't make ends meet. My parents would speak to me about FDR and how he saved the country in the Great Depression. My dad was a World War II veteran, and they very much admired his leadership during World War II. So I grew up thinking that government can do good things and can help people when they're in trouble. I've known a lot of people over the years who are against the government — "Get the government off our backs." And I always say, "Yes, they say that until the tornado wipes their house away, or the wildfire hits their house, or the hurricane knocks down their business." One of my examples is James Baker, the former secretary of the Treasury and a good friend of the Bushes, particularly Bush 41, who had a terrible tragedy happen in his family.

His very young granddaughter drowned when she was sucked into a defective pool drain. I can remember seeing him and his daughter, the mother of this granddaughter, on a talk show — I think it was Larry King at the time — saying, "We're here in Washington to talk to members of Congress to see if we can get regulations for pool drains, so there won't be defective pool drains and other families won't have to go through this tragedy." Because they were Reagan-Bush Republicans, I would say if you asked them at some point, they would probably say, "Yes, get the government off our backs. We don't like government regulation." Or impaled by a lawn dart: from the 1960s, that was a popular game, sort of like horseshoes, but with spikes instead of horseshoes.

You would throw this six-inch metal prong, I guess, that had plastic feathers on it.

You'd try to get it into a circle and get it to stick into the ground. And kids were being injured and maybe even killed by being impaled by lawn darts. So, as I say, it's all fun and games until someone's impaled by a lawn dart — and of course those were then banned from public sale. You could go back to the Food and Drug Administration and how food was being processed in the 1920s and people were getting sick from it, or drugs that shouldn't be taken to market. We wouldn't have regulations if somebody hadn't seen a need for them. So the Trump anti-government view is directed at regulations that they don't like. Then, of course, there are regulations of pregnancy, or women's reproductive health, where conservatives do want government to engage with people and tell them what they can or cannot do.

And in the case of Trump, again, he's not one to be concerned about women's rights, equal rights, or eliminating racism from the workplace, including through things like DEI. So he doesn't have a track record of that. In fact, his family has a track record of racism, and he personally has a track record of misogyny.


Foreign policy: Eleanor Roosevelt, John F. Kennedy and Donald Trump

Rozsa: I appreciate you being so thorough in that regard. I now want to juxtapose Trump and Kennedy in another respect. Can you elaborate on why Kennedy and Roosevelt felt the Peace Corps was so important, and what it says about the Trump movement's priorities that it has gutted similar Kennedy programs like USAID?

Perry: Yes. Part of the reason — and maybe it could be the sole reason — for Kennedy having supported the concept of the Peace Corps... He did not develop the concept. It was developed in Congress before he became president, by other members of Congress. But to his credit, he thought it was a good idea. Famously, when he was campaigning for president in 1960, he came in very late to a rally of students at the University of Michigan. They had waited and waited to see him, they were all ginned up, and they were hanging from trees and telephone poles. At one point he said, "We're thinking about starting this Peace Corps, where we would send young experts like yourselves, who've just come out of college with various skills, into" what were then called third world countries. Now we would say developing countries.

And he said, "How many of you who are studying medicine, for example, would volunteer to do that?" And this big roar went up from the students. So in March of 1961, a couple of months after he became president, he signed an executive order to create the Peace Corps. Eventually it was developed by Congress, but he set it up and put his brother-in-law, Sargent Shriver, in charge of it as director. I think part of the reason that's so important to keep in mind is that it's the height of the Cold War, and we are fighting the communists, led at that time particularly by the Soviet Union and by what was called Red China, or Communist China, as it had become known in the late 1940s and early '50s, when the communist revolution succeeded there. So we were trying to stave off the spread of communism, which was very much against the United States and our form of democracy.

Kennedy knew that the Soviets were sending their engineers and doctors and teachers and agricultural specialists to these third world countries, because we were in a fight to get every country we could to our side. Any country that wasn't already aligned with the communists or with us — if they were neutral — we wanted to persuade to come to our side. Well, so did the Soviets and the communists. So I think that was the main reason he went forward with it. Another, more idealistic way of thinking of it is that he himself was young — only 43 when he was elected president, still the youngest man ever elected president. Teddy Roosevelt was 42 when he became president, but that was rising up from the vice presidency when McKinley was assassinated.

So Kennedy still holds that record. He was youthful in his appearance, particularly in contrast to Eisenhower, whom he replaced in the White House, who at 70 was at that point our oldest president — kind of different from now. Eisenhower looked old. He had been sickly in office, and Kennedy, while he had his own private illnesses and his fairly public back issues, still looked really hale and hearty and youthful. I think he wanted to be appealing to young people and believed in young people. He himself had joined the military — volunteered even before we entered World War II. He and his older brother signed up for the Navy and then requested combat duty. He lost his brother in Europe in the war, and Jack Kennedy almost lost his life in the South Pacific.

So he was very much supportive of public service and thought this would be a way to encourage young people to come into public service, but also, again, to meet this Cold War need. And I should tell you, I have a cousin who's 13 years older than I am. She graduated from Saint Louis University in 1964, the first in our family ever to earn a college degree — a very smart woman. The first thing she did was sign up for the Peace Corps. She had been an English major, so she signed up to teach English in the outback of Ethiopia, in a little remote village. But in addition to doing that, she was also giving out vaccines and helping with medical care. So it worked in her case. He recruited her and many others into the Peace Corps.

And Eleanor Roosevelt, as someone who had really blossomed in her education and her personality by studying abroad in London as a young woman, knew how important it was to travel the world. Certainly as she got older and became first lady, she traveled around the globe, and continued to do that almost to her dying day. So she knew the importance of international experience — learning another language, if you can, and carrying the message of American democracy around the world, which she had done so well.

Conservative studio's new movie 'Drummer Boy' might shock its MAGA fanbase

Angel Studios releases a lot of right-leaning movies, and for this reason I expected "Drummer Boy" to have a conservative bent. Imagine my surprise, then, when there was a scene so sympathetic to slaves and critical of America's founding fathers, one might dare call it "woke." Two slaves, Emmaline (India Brown) and Margaret (Beverley Knight), read the preamble to America's Declaration of Independence. Penned by Thomas Jefferson, who would later serve as president, they recite his assertion that "all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness."

Then they note his hypocrisy. And at that moment, I gave immense credit to "Drummer Boy" co-directors Joel David and Ben Smallbone, as well as screenwriter Richard L. Ramsey, for sharing this "woke" observation with Angel Studios' conservative audience.

"You know, Richard L. Ramsey was the screenwriter, and I'm an immigrant to this great country; he's a bit more of a history buff than me," Joel David Smallbone, who plays Emmaline's love interest and co-protagonist Jeremiah Clem, told AlterNet. "But I never felt that moment being charged. I felt it reflecting the idea of the overall film, and that is that we all have light and shadow. We all have hard things. We all have secrets. We all have things we struggle with. My character has really some stuff that he's working through. And so I felt it more on the level of going, this is just reality, you know? And yeah. Emmaline, by the way, and Margaret, two great characters in the film."

His real-life brother Ben said he accepts the risk that some sensitive audience members might be triggered by this moment.

"Look, absolutely, I could see people taking offense to a lot of things in the film, but to me, we're truth tellers," Ben Smallbone told AlterNet. "As filmmakers, as storytellers, we tell the reality of the story that is known as truth. And it is a historical fact that Thomas Jefferson had slaves, and the statement that he made in the Declaration of Independence was in contrast to some of the things that he himself was believing. So look, if people find that controversial, it is fact, it is in the history books, it is truth, and we're just telling the truth in our film."

It is in the history books that Jefferson owned slaves, just as it is in the history books that he and the other founding fathers wanted a strict separation between church and state. Unfortunately Angel Studios pushed out the conservative film "A Great Awakening," which spreads the false Christian nationalist claim that evangelist George Whitefield inspired founding father Benjamin Franklin. Even less overtly ideological Angel Studios films, like "Young Washington" and "The Brink of War" (about Presidents George Washington and Ronald Reagan, respectively). For this reason, I began to think of Jefferson's best quality — his ability to pen eloquent phrases like "I contemplate with sovereign reverence that act of the whole American people which declared that their legislature should make no law respecting an establishment of religion or prohibiting the free exercise thereof, thus building a wall of separation between church and state." — whenever "Drummer Boy" began getting religious on its audience.

(It is worth mentioning here that I am Jewish.)

Fortunately, Ben Smallbone reassured me that this was not the case. At this point, I now turn to my interview with the Smallbone brothers about their fictional counterparts, the Clem brothers, and why they felt the need to tell this religious American Revolutionary War story.

The following interview has been lightly edited for clarity, context, length and to omit answers quoted earlier in the article.

Speaking to Joel David Smallbone.

Matthew Rozsa: I identified a lot with the character of Benjamin Clem because I am also physically disabled. I also tend to get in trouble for expressing unpopular political opinions in public. Who was he inspired by? And is he intended to encourage other downtrodden people to express unpopular political opinions in public?

Joel David Smallbone: (laughs) What an opening question. Look, Ben is an amalgamation of a lot of people. You know, I can't help but pull from personal experience. I'm one of six siblings. I've got four brothers, two younger brothers. And I'm a little bit of a chronic rescuer, Matthew. And so I can tend to tamp down the people, even younger brothers, that I'm trying to help in my own way, but at the same time I'm actually robbing them and I'm stifling them. And so I was sort of pulling from my own experience with Ben. Yeah.

Matthew Rozsa: At one point in the film, the British remind me of, dare I say, President Trump. They defend King George III by citing the divine right of kings, much as Trump says he was put here by God to lead America; that we must fight a war against France, as opposed to Iran, to protect our way of life; and they confiscate grain like Trump levying tariffs willy-nilly. Obviously, none of this was intentional on your part, but as people in an America that is experiencing conditions like those of the revolution, do you have any thoughts on whether people should be as bold today in standing up for themselves as the characters in the film?

Joel Smallbone: Mm. Mm.

Matthew Rozsa: You're going "mm, mm." I'm curious what that means.

Joel Smallbone: I'll say this. There's an old saying: We make our plans, but God orders our steps. And I'm so proud of the fact that this film is coming out three days after midterm elections, and that as people are grappling with exactly the question you just asked. Is this a reflection of history? Are we repeating ourselves? All of these questions, those are the questions we were asking ourselves as we wrote it. You know, what is freedom? What is forgiveness? Who are we? What is our identity? And I like asking questions, Matthew. That's my heart, is to ask questions. And so I love that you're pulling all of these pieces. My job is to provoke them. (laughs) Your job is to ask the question as well.

Speaking to Ben Smallbone.

Matthew Rozsa: The movie talks a lot about Christ in terms of understanding America's origins. Does it also acknowledge the importance of church-state separation?

Ben Smallbone: Look, I'm an Australian. I'm an immigrant to the United States of America. I've spent 30 years of my life here. And I will say loudly and proudly as an American citizen and an Australian citizen now, this is one of the greatest countries in the world, and the opportunities that we've been given here have been incredible. The statement that you make, look, the separation of church and state is a part of the government, and I believe that is an essential part of that. For the story of the film, no, we don't make a direct statement about that, and we don't plan to make a direct statement about that in the film. You know, this was the founding of the United States 250 years ago. There was no acknowledgement of really what was gonna happen, who was gonna win. Were the British gonna take over? Were they gonna free the slaves? Were the United States gonna free the slaves if the Patriots won? And so this is a story truly trying to discover what unites us instead of what divides us. And so, look, I don't know exactly where that would be stated in the film, but it is not in there presently.

Matthew Rozsa: I would say, and this is what I find intriguing about the film, is that it's about stating opinions that others might disagree with. The whole catalyst for the story is that Benjamin Clem refuses to not express his political views, even though he is in a public setting, on that occasion his family business, in which doing so might get him in trouble. To me, that is a powerful moment in the story, especially since it has repercussions for every character going forward. How is that relevant today? Why did you choose to make this a tale that at its core is about expressing yourself even when it's unpopular?

Ben Smallbone: You know, there's a statement within the creative Christian arts, if you will, the Christian industry, of "Oftentimes we create art the way we wish the world was, but not the way the world really is." And as a filmmaker and a storyteller that wants to portray the truth and tell what I believe is truth, that is really important to me. And whether people call it woke, or whether liberals watch it and are offended by the religious nature of some of the elements in there, I'm gonna tell my version of what the truth is, and you can take from it what you will. I don't see the film as, hopefully, controversial. I see the film as uplifting. I see the film as something that hopefully unites people, makes them ask beautiful questions about life's biggest questions, and brings us together, because, gosh, we are united in the name of this country, but we're more divided than ever before. And what can we do to bring the country together to celebrate our similarities instead of our differences?

Entitativity: The mind trick cult experts say is dividing America

The philosopher Michel Foucault argued that language does not neutrally describe reality, but instead actively shapes it. A recent scientific study analyzing political language seems to support his thesis. It shows that subtle choices in our wording massively impact the partisan bias in conversations about a wide range of sensitive political issues.

it all comes down to a single word that refers to how much a group of people is perceived as cohesive and real — entitativity.

"Research on novel groups suggests that perceived entitativity is driven by how others label these groups," Carsten W. Sander and Juliane Degner recently wrote in the journal Social Psychological and Personality Science. "Using fine-tuned transformer models to automatically classify Facebook posts (N = 45,780) and comments (N = 769,684), we show that this effect also holds for established political groups. Specifically, posts containing noun labels (e.g., “Senate Republicans”) rather than adjective labels (e.g., “Republican senators”) and using these labels generically (e.g., “Democrats want”) rather than non-generically (e.g., “some Democrats want”) receive higher proportions of comments expressing partisan prejudice."

This means that scientists conducted earlier studies involving political groups that they invented so participants had never heard of them. When they did this, they realized that words which subtly promoted entitativity led to participants viewing those groups as one unit, while those which did not tended to view them as separate individuals. They then tested whether this would also occur with regular humans, doing so by scanning roughly 46,000 Facebook posts and approximately 770,000 comments.

That is exactly what happened.

“In essence, perceiving a group as entitative makes group members appear more interchangeable,” Sander, a research associate at Humboldt University of Berlin, told PsyPost. “People then generalize one member’s behavior to the whole group, retaliate against one group member for offenses committed by another, and generally show more outgroup prejudice. We reasoned that this could also fuel political polarization, understood as growing prejudice toward the political outparty.”

Speaking with AlterNet in August about President Donald Trump and his political movement, cult expert Dr. Steven Hassan broke down how these movements subtly manipulate their followers to create cult-like cohesion and loyalty. In addition to the way they word their views in casual online posts, they also create media ecosystems in which their followers develop incorrect perceptions of reality through repeated positive reinforcement from their social networks.

"It really comes down to what information sources they're relying on and who their network is that they identify with," Hassan told AlterNet. "So if they really love Joe Rogan, they're going to follow a lot of his views. And consequently, when he turns against Trump, Trump loses a lot of followers. What I'm trying to convey is that we're living in an age of digital manipulation that's never been seen before."

Scramble to inherit MAGA as White House is engulfed in covert power struggle

President Donald Trump has long teased Republicans over whether his heir apparent would be Vice President JD Vance or Secretary of State Marco Rubio. Now a new report exposes the true depths of the turmoil within the Republican Party over who gets to replace Trump.

"The specter of a Democratic wave on Tuesday and retreat of Republican power has quietly sparked conversations within GOP circles about President Trump’s eventual exit from the political stage — and the future of a party that has revolved around him for the past decade," reported the Los Angeles Times' Ana Ceballos and Michael Wilner on Sunday.

The journalists added, "Heading into the vote, Trump faces the lowest job approval ratings of his career. Factions of the Republican Party long loyal to his brand are beginning to break ranks. Candidates who have aligned themselves most closely to the president are among the most imperiled. From the shores of Lake Ontario to rural Kansas, signs point to a voter coalition under strain, as Republicans grappling with a troubled economy question the party’s direction."

They continued, "Recent polls show that 67 percent of Trump’s 2024 voters approve of his job performance, down from 95 percent early in his second term. The steepest drops are among younger voters and Latino support, according to a Pew Research Center poll."

Polls repeatedly find that overwhelming majorities of Republicans want either Vance or Rubio to be the nominee. Last week Trump referred to Vance as a“very talented person” and a “very good person" but that when it came to seeking the presidency in 2028 “I don’t think we’ve ever talked about it. It’s early, very early right now. We have to get through the midterms.”

In June, USA Today reported that Trump liked to privately ask aides what they think about Vance versus Rubio as potential 2028 presidential candidates.

"In conversations with nearly a dozen sources close to the White House, most of whom requested anonymity to discuss private interactions, allies of the president and vice president said Trump isn’t sold on Vance as his 2028 pick," USA Today wrote. "The president has been asking those around him what they think of Vance and Rubio, a more seasoned politician who has become one of Trump’s most trusted advisers on international affairs."

The Wall Street Journal also reported this in March.

“The 2028 election is more than 2½ years away, but it is very much on Trump’s mind, as he casts about for a suitable heir to his MAGA empire,” The Wall Street Journal reported at the time. “For months, the president has privately polled advisers, donors and friends about the political strengths and weaknesses of his vice president and secretary of state, pitting the two young, ambitious Republicans against each other—whether they like it or not.”

The Journal continued, “Less than a day after the U.S. began bombing Iran, President Trump met with two dozen donors at his Mar-a-Lago club. As attendees dined on jumbo crab and rib-eye steaks, Trump asked the crowd: What do you think of JD Vance and Marco Rubio? The guests applauded louder for Rubio, according to people in the room.”

'Dip his beak': Trump's twisted demand over a $50 million insider deal

As he had asked, I’m pretending Donald Trump is on the ballot.

Apart from a slew of policy and personal affronts that he has presented me as a voter, what keeps getting in the way is the non-pretend part that Donald Trump is running the country from his gilded Oval Office as a funnel for his own benefit.

Just as Donald Trump did when he heard stories of now former Ambassador Kimberly Gilfoyle seeking and taking big money for promised access to White House decision-making, Trump apparently privately blew up at hearing that his one-time lawyer, Alina Habba Mildon, had signed a $50 million, no-show contract with a billionaire who wanted a pardon for his already reduced federal charges.

Pretend outrage or not, what seems to have bothered Trump was that others in his circle were collecting big sums of money for influence with his government – but not kicking into his preferred coffers.

While the rest of us see moral or ethical shock at rampant corruption, what Trump reportedly hears is that he is being bypassed for a taste – or a big chunk – of any such personal proceeds. A New York Times story this week outlined that Trump “erupted” after learning that Habba Mildon had secured the five-year contract to work for Venezuelan billionaire Julio Herrera Velutini, who had been seeking a pardon from Trump.

The pardon did arrive, though Trump said it had nothing to do with Habba Mildon’s involvement, though she was a Justice Department official at the time.

But rather than call out a blatant attempted (at least) case of pay-for-play influence, Trump’s ire was directed at the fact that “that she should donate a portion of that money to his future presidential library or another Trump-related entity, according to multiple people briefed on the conversations.”

In other words, it was a rotten deal because it did not personally benefit Trump, as if directly following a script of an organized crime storyline. The boss may not participate but gets “to dip his beak” or “get a taste” of proceeds by any associates.

I guess we can pretend Trump is preaching from the (im)morality box as well as the midterm ballot.

The Deal and the Split

The article revisits the details of how Alina Habba Mildon had been offered “an extraordinarily well compensated” general counsel for a company with no public profile started by that billionaire’s daughter. Habba Mildon, former personal lawyer to Trump and briefly a U.S. attorney in New Jersey who was never confirmed by the Senate, has not spoken publicly about the deal.

Apparently, the deal is worth $10 million for each of four years plus bonuses, in total worth more than $50 million. The company, Concord Partners, has no public profile and its business is unclear.

Trump wants her to turn over substantial amounts of her compensation to his presidential library effort – he is seeking a billion dollars in donations – or for the Herrera family to halt the contract. The irony is that the original charges against Herrera involved bribery, the activity laid out in this deal for a pardon to erase the remaining misdemeanor charges that survived early Justice rollbacks in the case.

Trump apparently spoke with another of his former lawyers, Christopher M. Kise, about advisers who are making money by selling their access to the Oval Office. Kise had worked on the pardon case. Trump has been critical when word of big consulting fees for advisers become public.

Earlier this month, Trump criticized James Blair and Chris LaCivita, two of his top political advisers for being paid hundreds of thousands of dollars to provide counsel to a pro-Russian Balkan government. The pair said they would donate their earnings to the Trump library fund.

Trump privately criticized his own son, Don Jr., after word leaked that a Russian operative in Vladimir Putin’s circle had paid hundreds of thousands for a post-wedding party for Don Jr. in Bermuda. Trump has been relatively silent about reports and a new book detailing the efforts of his own son-in-law, Jared Kushner, and his real estate partner Steve Witkoff to mix business dealings with the Saudis and other Middle Eastern leaders with diplomatic efforts representing the U.S.

Democratic legislators anticipating a change in majority in at least the House say they expect to open all these cases to public review if Tuesday’s election goes their way.

Terry H. Schwadron retired as a senior editor at The New York Times, Deputy Managing Editor at The Los Angeles Times and leadership jobs at The Providence (RI) Journal-Bulletin. He was part of a Pulitzer Gold Medal team in Los Angeles, and his team part of several Pulitzers in New York.

The longest decade of our lives

So now that I’ve told you how I see the critical midterm races going on Tuesday, I want to take a few minutes to tell you what I think about you …

There’s no reason to duck.

When I typed earlier this week that, “the past two years have been the longest decade of my life,” it seemed to resonate with many of you good people, who have been brave enough to care about their faltering country since the orange devil came along dragging his racist stench behind him.

When America did the unimaginable two Novembers ago, and voted to put this bigot and proven enemy of our country back in our White House, it was just too much to process for any sane person who really does care about the United States of America.

I became dizzy as I watched the results roll in on Election Night 2024. The PTSD from the 2016 November Nightmare washed over me as the numbers relentlessly poured in from those must-have districts dotted across the country, and were delivered in a gory shade of blood-red.

I’d seen this horror movie before, and at 11 p.m. CST, I turned my TV off and sat quietly in a complete state of shock.

It was official: We could no longer trust far too many of our friends and family, who believed a narcissistic, racist, America- and woman-attacking maniac belonged in the most powerful job in the world inside our White House.

I didn’t stir until 4 a.m.

I considered how I would tackle the next four years, while rewinding what had gone so terribly wrong the previous four. When I had worn myself out and the smoke stopped seeping from my ears, I drifted off.

When I emerged from those three-hours of hard-fought sleep, the shock had still not subsided, and I typed a very raw, and righteous piece, HURT, for all of us:

“If the majority of my country is OK with an America-attacking, vulgar racist, whose only true talent is the ability to somehow always go lower, I find it terribly, terribly sad and wildly dangerous.
This does not make me a better or worse person than anyone else, it just makes me, me, and I am very proud and comfortable with that. And if you stood for what is good ... and right … and decent, you should be plenty proud of yourselves, too.”

Three days later, anger had replaced my melancholy, and I had a message for Trump and his morally busted voters:

“To Trump supporters I say this: If you have somehow twisted yourself into some self-righteous pretzel to justify your vote for a violent, racist, election-denying fascist YOU are the problem in this country, not us. This has happened many times before over the centuries with your type to no good end. If you would read even ONE history book your party wants burned you’d be forced to understand this, and maybe even deal with it. Oh, and here’s a dirty, little secret: The elites who run your abhorrent party fully know all this, and are using you for their terrible devices. As long as you support this, there is nothing you can say that I will ever listen to. You are a complete moral wreck. A mess. A five-alarm fire. You say you want cheaper gas and eggs, but fawn over the horrible man and circumstances that helped lead to their high cost in the first place with his subhuman response to a once-in-a-century pandemic that killed hundreds of thousands of us needlessly. Even wearing masks to help prevent the spread of this invisible killer was too much to ask of you. Seriously, go straight to hell.

I reintroduce those pieces today, because I think it is instructive to see where we’ve been, and what we’ve been through. It was going to be a long four years, but we had each other to lean on, and as long as we stayed together, we would continue to be a force to be reckoned with.

After all, we have been right about everything since the initial blast on Nov. 8, 2016 ...

We told anybody brave enough to listen to the truth who the grotesque Trump was, and what he was capable of, and on Jan. 6, 2021, when he leveled the worst attack on our Capitol since 1812, he proved us right.

He rallied his racist Orcs, turned them loose in our capital city, and did nothing for three-plus hours but root for his attack’s success. He didn’t bat an eye when they came for his Vice President or the Speaker of the House, or while overmatched law enforcement officers were kicked into the curb and beaten with flag poles. Finally, when order was slowly being restored and the attack had failed, he took to the airways and grudgingly ordered his attackers to go home, but not before telling them that he loved them …

He told them that he loved them.

That nothing was done about the attack still burns holes in our stomachs. We voted for change in 2020, yes, but also voted for justice that was never delivered.

I will speak for myself here, but I will never forgive Joe Biden or his attorney general for this. There is nothing you can tell me that will quash my rage. For four years, I wrote endless pieces, and implored Merrick Garland TO DO SOMETHING, because if he didn’t the lawless, dead-inside Trump would emerge stronger, and set his beady eyes on getting even with the patriots who had the audacity to stand up against him and his odious party.

Nothing was done, and once again we were right: The 300 lb. cockroach survived and emerged from the corner of his garish country club in Florida to finish us off.

When Biden welcomed Trump back to our White House in front of that crackling fire just one week after the 2024 election, I never wanted to lay eyes on him again. He pardoned his family, and left the rest of us to fend for ourselves.

I shake typing that, I really do.

Since that sinful day, we have done what we can, while every awful thing we said would come to pass — and more —has played out in front of our tired eyes.

We watched as Trump attacked our government and gorged himself with our money …innocent people were rounded up and murdered in our streets by masked men … troops were sent off to die for his profit … landmark voting legislation was incinerated by his bought-off Supreme Court … our air, water and animals were purposely poisoned just to make another buck …

But we are still standing.

We did not submit.

We rolled out of the rack each day, rallied, and did what little we could do to keep the fire burning, and hope alive.

We are the true patriots in America and would have voted every single Republican out Tuesday whether gas prices were $2 a gallon or $5 a gallon ... Whether we were in some dangerous, idiotic war with Iran or not … Whether our healthcare benefits were in jeopardy or not …

We understand right from wrong.

We are the people who are not ready to move on from Donald Trump’s attack on our country January 6, 2021, and all the harm he has done to this nation, and never will be.

This is not about the price of eggs, it is about the terrible price we will continue to pay, if we can’t put down this fascist regime.

We will not quit fighting, raging, and working until freedom rings, because by God, THIS WILL HAPPEN.

A slow death is too good for Trump. I want to see him beaten. I want to see the fear in those beady eyes when he has nowhere to run and nowhere to hide but that dirty country club corner.

This can only happen if we prevail at the polls on Tuesday.

We have been through a helluva lot, because we have allowed ourselves to feel all of it. We have not backed down. We have not tuned it out. We have served our country like very few generations before us, by fighting a dangerous, homegrown enemy of America who aims to end us.

No matter what happens Tuesday, and I do believe we are in for a historic night, I want you to know this, my fighting friends:

You were on the right side of the fight.

I can pay you no higher compliment.

Now let’s go win this thing.

D. Earl Stephens is the author of “Toxic Tales: A Caustic Collection of Donald J. Trump’s Very Important Letters” and awarding-winning journalist, who headed newsrooms, and worked as a reporter in the newspaper business for decades. You can find all his work here.

End of 'bellyaching': Trump's swamp talk becomes a nightmare

President Donald Trump ran for president in 2016 by promising to "drain the swamp," a reference to the rampant corruption in Washington that a supposed outsider like Trump would clean up. Flash forward a decade and, according to one journalist, Trump hasn't only failed to drain the swamp; he has made it far swampier than ever.

Importantly for everyone in American politics, voters are noticing — in a big way.

"Fox News poll released in mid-October found that “corruption in government” was voters’ top concern—above inflation, gas prices, and health care," wrote The New Yorker's Ruth Marcus on Sunday. "Eighty-eight per cent said that they were “extremely” or “very” concerned about it. Corruption “has steadily gained in importance on the list of the most critical issues facing the country,” Whit Ayres, a Republican pollster, said. “I never remember corruption as an issue being as important as it is now.”"

Marcus added, "Corruption is always a tempting message for the party out of power. Donald Trump used that playbook in 2016, vowing to drain the Washington swamp. Bemoaning corruption is risk-free: no voters are in favor of it, even if they have differing interpretations of what the term entails. In the meantime, hitting corruption lets the opposition party duck the harder tasks of producing a detailed legislative agenda. But, in this cycle, what could catapult the issue from a topic of chronic bellyaching to an actual mechanism for changing votes is the gloomy economic climate. Voters who are feeling flush may be willing to tolerate a degree of self-dealing from politicians that becomes insupportable when grocery bills are high."

She continued that "corruption “is always a useful word, but it’s more effective at some times than others,” Robert Boatright, a political-science professor at Clark University and the co-author of the 2025 book “American Corruption Talk,” noted. “It’s a way to put your finger on people’s general dissatisfaction with our politicians, with our economy, with the state of the world.”"

From there Marcus went on to detail how Democrats are spending money focusing on Trump's corruption in key Senate races like North Carolina, Maine and Texas.

Republicans have also admitted that their party is, whether due to corruption or the economy or other reasons, seemingly doomed in the upcoming midterms.

“We’ve got a week left and we’re forced to talk about Mississippi,” Republican Party corruption former Trump Communications director Bryan Lanza told CNN's Jake Tapper on Sunday. “I've been in politics for nearly 30 years. I don't think we've ever talked about Mississippi in a general election. And here's where we are.”

In October, former President Bill Clinton's Labor Secretary Robert Reich wrote for AlterNet that prices are going up in part because of the tariffs. "The tariffs are import taxes that have increased annual household costs by an estimated $1,100, according to The Budget Lab at Yale."

He continued, "Again, though, the price increases tell only half the story. Trump’s tariffs have enabled Trump to give out tariff waivers and carve-outs to industries and companies that do him favors."

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