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Pro-Trump legal team takes over Arizona county in illegal 'power grab': court filing

The pro-Donald Trump legal group, America First Legal (AFL), has taken over the Maricopa County Recorder's office, and it's illegal, one Arizona reporter Brahm Resnik wrote, citing a new court case.

County Recorder Justin Heap hired American First Legal to counsel them in a lawsuit, court documents show. County Attorney Rachel Mitchell sued over the matter and revealed a slew of concerning details in the process.

Mitchell asked for a temporary restraining order and injunction at the Superior Court of the State of Arizona in and for the County of Maricopa, but the court ruled that she lacked standing.

However, a new filing alleges that the "AFL has abused that limited ruling and used it as a launching pad for [an] unprecedented power grab. In the past three-and-a-half weeks alone, AFL, a partisan non-profit organization funded by private donors, and the Recorder have: 1. Proclaimed that AFL will serve as the Recorder's counsel on 'all' matters 'covering the administration of early voting or any election statute that contains the phrase "recorder or other officer in charge of elections," based on self-declared global conflict of interest with the County Attorney.'"

The suit also claims that the AFL has "instructed County elections staff to disregard legal advice from the Maricopa County Attorney's Office (MCAO) about voter instructions at polling locations."

The AFL allegedly told staff they couldn't seek any legal advice from the county attorney and tried to prevent the county attorney from attending a Board of Supervisors executive session about the election, the suit says.

AFL then "threatened to pursue criminal charges against the Board for establishing drop boxes — forcing Attorney General Kris Mayes to write a letter to AFL warning it against making 'unfounded threats of criminal liability.'" The pro-Trump legal group then allegedly sent a letter to the Board threatening to sue them under a criminal statute and demanding public records.

Mitchell's filing makes it clear that AFL was never hired to provide "in-house" counsel for the Recorder's office.

The filing goes on to allege that the AFL is "acting as de facto deputy county attorneys is ultra vires and illegal. The Recorder lacks any explicit or implicit statutory authority to hire outside counsel — let alone a partisan organization — to serve as in-house counsel on 'all' matters under his 'purview.'"

The uploaded filing only contains excerpts from the full document and doesn't cite any specifics about dates for hearings or details about where the case stands.

MAGA official accuses Trump of meddling in county elections: report

President Donald Trump is apparently tampering so thoroughly in elections that even a staunchly MAGA official is raising alarms about it.

“[Maricopa County Attorney Rachel] Mitchell garnered national attention after Senate Republicans tapped her to question Christine Blasey Ford during Supreme Court Justice Brett Kavanaugh’s confirmation process after Ford alleged that Kavanaugh sexually assaulted her as a teenager,” wrote MS NOW’s Ja'han Jones on Wednesday. “Kavanaugh has flatly denied the allegation.”

Yet despite Mitchell’s impeccable MAGA credentials, including endorsing Trump’s 2024 campaign, Jones reported that she has filed a lawsuit against America First Legal, White House adviser Stephen Miller’s right-wing activist group that is trying to make sure Trump does not lose control of Congress during the 2026 midterm elections.

“The office is led by Justin Heap, who has egged on the Trump administration’s push to acquire sensitive voter data in Arizona,” Jones reported. “And the disturbing context to all this is Trump has openly declared that Republicans should nationalize voting processes and ‘take over the voting’ in several cities — like Phoenix, perhaps.”

Jones added, “In a June 8 legal filing, Mitchell’s lawyers asked Maricopa County Superior Court Judge Scott Blaney to rein in Recorder Justin Heap’s politically connected firm, the America First Legal Foundation, which it said has undertaken ‘an unprecedented power grab.’” Her lawyers argued that “the Recorder lacks any explicit or implicit statutory authority to hire outside counsel — let alone a partisan organization — to serve as in-house counsel on ‘all’ matters under his ‘purview.’”

Overall Jones concluded, “The fact that even conservative officials are sounding the alarm here shows how extreme, unprecedented and potentially threatening to democracy this situation could prove to be.”

Speaking with AlterNet earlier this month, Common Cause Senior Policy Director for Voting and Fair Representation Dan Vicuña said that Trump’s various voter repression policies — including trying to stop mail-in voting, demanding voter files, gerrymandering, supporting voter ID laws and stating he will deploy law enforcement to voting places — are all part of a larger plan to steal the midterms. Common Cause is a nonprofit good government group with a distinguished pedigree tracing back to 1970.

“What they all add up to is a desire to avoid any accountability to the voters in the midterm elections — to ensure, to preordain the outcome of a midterm that he thinks is going to go badly for him,” Vicuña told AlterNet. “We know, from the Big Lie of the 2020 election to spurring on a violent revolt to overthrow a free and fair election, that he has no respect for democratic norms, for the voice of the people. This is entirely about his own power and his own ego. He will even invest in protecting that ego and protecting his power at the expense of the needs of the public. People are suffering with high gas prices and affordability issues, and he does not care. All that matters is protecting his power, and he has no interest in whether he does that through democratic means.”

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Arizona Republicans just can't quit the tin foil — but it could cost them

Republican voters in Arizona sent a litany of election deniers to the November ballot, chief among them the nominees for the top three statewide offices. But they’re far from the only ones who advanced to the general election.

The Grand Canyon State has long been at the center of the election conspiracy theories that have become a tenet of the modern Republican Party under President Donald Trump, who has been doggedly focused on false claims of election fraud over the past decade.

As the belief that elections are rife with fraud — at least when Democrats win — has transformed from fringe online discourse into a GOP article of faith, adherents and promoters of election conspiracy theories have been gaining more elected power.

But those views are growing more unpopular among voters, as issues such as affordability and the war in Iran take center stage.

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“It is not sustainable, and people do not have an appetite for it. People want to have our elections be a process that helps us pick our leaders and then they want our leaders to lead for us,” Alex Gulotta, All Voting is Local Action’s Arizona state director, told the Arizona Mirror. “It is not winning people’s hearts and minds.”

Despite that, a growing number of election deniers are running for office in Arizona and across the country, according to Kelly Rader, research director at States United Action, a nonpartisan nonprofit that supports state officials protecting elections and has been tracking election deniers since 2022.

Arizona is one of four states — along with Colorado, Wisconsin and Tennessee — that have three or more election deniers running for statewide office, according to their analysis.

Nationally, nearly 75% of the states have an election denier running for a statewide or congressional office, Rader’s research found. That is 139 candidates across the country, among them 21 candidates for governor, nine running for secretary of state and eight running for attorney general, according to the data.

“Election denial is a comprehensive strategy to undermine trust in our elections so that Trump and his allies can challenge election results they don’t like,” Rader said. “As we move through the primaries and sprint toward the fall, we expect that Trump will continue pushing the same old election conspiracy theories. And we are closely watching which election denier candidates echo those claims in the months to come.”

Gulotta echoed those sentiments, adding that Trump’s continued denialism of the results of the 2020 election has helped fuel the fire for candidates to use the same rhetoric.

“I think as long as the president of the United States and his cronies are acting in a way that seeks to prevent voting and is really focused on denying the results of elections, we will continue to see this,” he said. “I am hoping we will grow out of it soon, hopefully another cycle or two.”

Rader said the corrosive effect of lies about election results has far-reaching effects, but was optimistic about the work being done by the nation’s election administrators to educate people and counter the conspiracies.

“Efforts to undermine confidence in legitimate election outcomes don’t just threaten individual races; they erode voter confidence and threaten one of the most important limits on presidential power,” she said. “The good news is that election officials across the country are educating voters, rebuilding trust, and working to ensure another free and fair election this year.”

It isn’t just election denialism that is on the ballot, either.

This year’s batch of conspiracy-minded candidates ranges from QAnon adherents to former “audit” workers. Some of them may be well known to most Arizonans, while others are newcomers to electoral politics.

The old guard

The top of the ticket in Arizona will be a who’s who of people who have been involved in election related conspiracy activities since 2020.

U.S. Rep. Andy Biggs won the Republican party primary for Governor where he will square off against Democratic Gov. Katie Hobbs in November.

After Trump lost his 2020 re-election bid to Joe Biden, Biggs was front and center in Arizona and Congress trying to “Stop the Steal.” He joined fellow Arizona GOP Congressman Paul Gosar in spreading doubt about the results of the 2020 election and made claims of voter disenfranchisement that were not backed up by evidence.

Former Arizona Speaker of the House Rusty Bowers said Biggs called him the morning of January 6 asking him to sign onto a letter calling for the decertification of Arizona electors. Biggs, who voted to reject electoral votes for Biden from Arizona and other battleground states, would later allegedly seek a pardon from Trump for his involvement.

Two other prominent election deniers will also be at the top of the Arizona ticket.

State Rep. Alexander Kolodin, who won the GOP primary for secretary of state, has long pushed unfounded claims around the state’s elections.

Kolodin was one of the key attorneys for Trump’s campaign who challenged the 2020 election results in the state and has represented a number of prominent election deniers. Kolodin was sanctioned by the Arizona State Bar in 2023 for his part in lawsuits challenging the 2020 election that made implausible and evidence-free claims of massive election fraud. He represented Trump’s campaign in the so-called “kraken” lawsuit in Arizona that was based on claims made by people with no actual knowledge of the elections.

In his time in the legislature, Kolodin has pushed for sweeping changes to Arizona election laws largely based on election conspiracy theories.

Then there’s GOP attorney general nominee Warren Petersen, who currently serves as president of the Arizona Senate. He, along with former Senate President Karen Fann, oversaw the partisan “audit” that the Senate conducted in 2021 to scour for fraud in Maricopa County’s election the year before. It found no evidence of fraud, and actually concluded that Biden won the election in the state’s largest county.

Earlier this year, he handed over material from that election review to the FBI and U.S. Department of Justice.

Other prominent election deniers also won their primaries, including Sen. Wendy Rogers, R-Flagstaff. On top of believing the 2020 election was fraudulent, Rogers has also engaged with white nationalists and other extremists.

She’ll also likely be joined in the Senate again by Sen. David Farnsworth, R-Mesa, who has openly embraced QAnon and spread conspiracy theories about the Department of Child Safety.

In its simplest form, QAnon is a conspiracy theory that alleges that a cabal of Satan-worshiping pedophiles are running a global sex-trafficking ring, control world governments and are trying to bring down President Donald Trump — who is himself single-handedly dismantling the cabal.

Farnsworth and Rogers also will be joined by the QAnon-posting and January-6-insurrection-attending Sen. Janae Shamp, who ran uncontested in her primary.

Another prominent election denier who won their primary is former Pinal County Sheriff Mark Lamb.

Lamb worked with other far-right sheriffs and a group that was involved with the widely debunked film “2000 Mules” to police polling locations in 2022. Lamb won his primary despite lurid allegations about his sex life and the release of a racist chat he had with a border vigilante.

If he wins his election — which is likely, as his district is deep red — he’ll join fellow election denier U.S. Rep. Abe Hamadeh, who unsuccessfully tried to claim election fraud led to his 280-vote loss to Kris Mayes in the 2022 contest for attorney general.

The new class

Among the well-known pushers of conspiracy theories in the state are some new faces that are seeking political power.

For instance, Michelle Altherr is seeking to unseat Democratic Sen. Brian Fernandez in the Democrat-leaning Legislative District 23.

Altherr worked at the partisan election “audit,” citing it as one of the main reasons she has gotten into politics. She has long been a presence at Maricopa County Board of Supervisors meetings, where she has spread unfounded claims of election fraud.

Another new face is James Rogers, who won his primary for the state House of Representatives in Legislative District 10. Rogers has represented Maricopa County Recorder Justin Heap, a known election denier, as part of the America First Legal law firm, which was started by top Trump advisor Stephen Miller.

The law firm was also behind a failed lawsuit that attempted to change how Arizona counties use drop boxes and maintain voter rolls.

Then there’s Mylie Biggs, Andy Biggs’ daughter, who won an uncontested race to represent Legislative District 14 in the state Senate.

Last year, during an appearance on The Matt MacCurdy program, she said that she doesn’t believe women should hold public office. On that same podcast, the younger Biggs said she has a fondness for conspiracy theories, telling the host to not get her “started on 9/11.”

Early voting for the general election starts on Sept. 19 for military and overseas voters and early voting for everyone else begins on Oct. 7. The last day voters can register to vote and apply for an early ballot is Oct. 5. Voters can find more information and register to vote at this link.

Trump aide who 'quietly' controls the US government just doubled down

President Donald Trump has fired Secretary of Homeland Security Kristi Noem and Attorney General Pam Bondi, but that does not mean his draconian anti-immigrant agenda will wind down. According to a recent report, the architect of that agenda remains as entrenched in power as ever.

"Far from acknowledging defeat, Mr. Miller appears to have simply adjusted his strategy in an effort to minimize political fallout," wrote Zolan Kanno-Youngs, Hamed Aleaziz, Christopher Flavelle, Emily Cochrane and Glenn Thrush of The New York Times in a Sunday report.

The report elaborated that, even as Trump’s “crackdown” has become unpopular in pretty much every American political group outside of the president’s own base, Miller has adjusted to the challenges by treating it as a personal test rather than a sign he should reevaluate his course.

"Mr. Miller, one of the most influential presidential advisers in recent memory and an unabashed champion of Mr. Trump's hard-line immigrant crackdown is at a crossroads,” the Times elaborated. Because of his performance up to this point, “he faces questions about how aggressively he can continue to drive the deportation campaign, and how much appetite his party and the country have for tactics that proved successful in helping to boost arrests of immigrants but reignited a polarizing debate."

Overall the report observed that “rather than Mr. Miller seeing his power recede, he has moved to apply it in other ways, seeking policies that would pressure undocumented immigrants to leave on their own.” As a result “Mr. Miller's influence has also extended beyond Washington."

Like many other figures in Trump’s orbit, Miller is widely considered to be extremely racist. Last month New York Times columnist Jamelle Bouie wrote that by ending public education funding for undocumented children in red states, Trump is deliberately attempting to keep underprivileged racial minorities less educated than theirs. For this reason, Bouie argued that the administration's efforts to repeal civil rights protections and other legislation from that era must be understood in an explicitly white supremacist context.

“Both Miller and the MAGA right are engaged in the same kind of work as their political forebears,” Bouie wrote. “It is no wonder, then, that they want to gut the 14th Amendment, which was revitalized by the struggles of Black Americans and other groups throughout the 20th century. Theirs is a project of subordination at home and abroad; of the re-inscription of caste and the recreation of tiered citizenship based on race and nationality. And now, as then, the 14th Amendment stands in the way.”

Miller is so influential, he is even believed to have been responsible for the Trump administration’s decision to reverse its previous withdrawal of political lawsuits against progressive law firms and lawyers. His America First Legal has also targeted law firms and corporations for diversity initiatives.

Renewed Trump battle with law firms may mean it's Miller time

The surprising decision by the Trump administration to reverse course and continue battling progressive law firms and lawyers has been attributed to the ire of Donald Trump and his senior advisor, Stephen Miller.

But given that Trump is somewhat preoccupied by a certain Middle East conflict, a CNN story and speculation attributed to “a source familiar with the situation" hint that Miller’s fingerprints appear to be likely the ones gripping the renewed legal throttle.

Miller’s America First Legal has previously targeted law firms and corporations for diversity initiatives and challenged Biden-era policies to pressure compliance with conservative goals.

Thus, The Wall Street Journal story that the Trump administration was abandoning its defense of the president’s executive orders sanctioning several law firms and individuals indicates at the least some Justice Department missed communications.

Trump’s executive orders would have prevented firms and individual lawyers from entering federal buildings, eliminated federal contracts with the firms and their clients, and removed any security clearances.

Law firms Jenner & Block, WilmerHale, Perkins Coie, and Susman Godfrey were among those affected. Chilled by those lawsuits, several other large law firms cut deals with the president, providing more than $1 billion in pro bono work on causes Trump favored.

Trump cited the sanctioned parties for their connections to his political rivals. He also noted their diversity initiatives and pro bono work for immigrants, transgender rights and voting protections in his executive orders.

Now, the administration’s bite at the legal apple continues.

Trump-appointed federal judge throws out lawsuit by MAGA legal group

Late Thursday morning, December 18, the news broke that federal Judge Trevor McFadden —an appointee of President Donald Trump — had rejected a lawsuit brought by major Trump allies: the America First Legal Foundation, a far-right MAGA legal group.

According to Politico's Josh Gerstein, America First Legal was "trying to demand records" using the Freedom of Information Act. But Gerstein notes that McFadden, in his America First Legal Foundation v. John G. Roberts ruling, "says Congress 'excused' itself [and] judiciary."

McFadden, in a 21-page court document, wrote, "The Freedom of Information Act announced a policy of broad disclosure of government documents. Broad disclosure, however, does not mean unlimited disclosure. While FOIA promises access to many Executive Branch records, Congress excused itself and the courts from FOIA’s reach. In 2024, America First Legal Foundation ('America First') requested various documents from the Judicial Conference of the United States and Administrative Office of the United States under FOIA. Both entities rejected the request on the basis that they are part of the Judiciary, so FOIA does not apply to them. America First disagreed."

The Trump-appointed federal judge continued, "Taking a narrower view of FOIA's court-documents carve out, America First sees the Judicial Conference and Administrative Office as agencies subject to FOIA. So America First sued and asks the Court to compel the heads of the Judicial Conference and Administrative Office to comply with its FOIA request. See Am. Compl., ECF No. 2."

McFadden noted that the "defendants moved to dismiss America First's Complaint for lack of subject matter jurisdiction and for failure to state a claim."

The judge wrote, "Under Rule 12(b)(1), this Court presumes it lacks subject matter jurisdiction. See Kokkonen v. Guardian Life Ins., 511 U.S. 375, 377 (1994). Federal courts have limited jurisdiction and 'possess only that power authorized by Constitution and statute.' Id. And when a defendant brings a challenge under Rule 12(b)(1), the plaintiff bears the burden of establishing that the court has jurisdiction. See id."

'King of America': Trump's new orders spark crisis

The U.S. Supreme Court has been favorable to President Donald Trump in a wide range of rulings — from the presidential immunity decision Trump v. the United States to overturning Roe v. Wade with Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization. Yet Trump is furious with the High Court for opposing his policies on tariffs, birthright citizenship and other issues. And according to legal expert Kimberly Wehle — a law professor and former federal prosecutor for the U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ) — Trump is being unapologetically brazen in his willingness to defy the justices, some of whom he appointed during his first presidency.

Writing for the conservative website The Bulwark, Wehle lays out some of the SCOTUS rulings that Trump is thumbing his nose at.

"In his quest to become the king of America," Wehle explains in her August 10 analysis, "Donald Trump made it clearer than ever, last week, that he doesn't really care what the Supreme Court has to say. First, he has decided to renew his effort to fire Lisa Cook, the Federal Reserve Board governor he first tried to fire a year ago. The Supreme Court, in a 5–4 decision this June, smacked down that previous attempt to fire her and have her immediately removed from the board, concluding that the president could fire her 'for cause' but that he had failed to follow the legally required termination process…. Second, and even more troublingly, Trump finally did what he's been gunning for since his first term: He defied the Court's authority to issue binding rulings against him."

The law professor continues, "Rejecting another 5-4 ruling from June, Trump, last week, issued two executive orders purporting to deny birthright citizenship to several categories of individuals who are squarely covered by his sweeping loss before the Court. In Trump v. Barbara, the majority held that babies born in the United States are automatic citizens under 'the ordinary meaning of the text' of the relevant part of the 14th Amendment."

By "flouting a Supreme Court ruling," Wehle warns, Trump "has quietly declared yet another 'new normal' for the vanishing rule of law in the United States."

"Already, he has defied lower federal court orders dozens of times," the legal scholar explains. "The U.S. Supreme Court was next up. One has to wonder whether crossing this red line will finally convince holdout optimists to give up the pretense that America is still a functioning constitutional democracy."

Here’s the 'legal framework' officials will try for Trump 2028: Rick Wilson

Former Republican strategist Rick Wilson on Friday explained the “legal framework” officials will use to ensure President Donald Trump is able to run for a third term — despite the 22nd Amendment to the U.S. Constitution clearly stating: “No person shall be elected to the office of the President more than twice.”

Speaking with Maddie Hale, Wilson revealed “there are people right now exploring how they get the legal framework” for Trump to run for a third term. Wilson described an army of “elected officials and think tank officials and people in this election denier legal community around Trump” who “are all finding — or, trying to find — ways to say ‘the 2020 election was invalid, therefore the 22nd Amendment is invalid.’”

“That’s their current, sort of, winding but explicable legal thinking,” Wilson added.

The Lincoln Project co-founder said he believes that “legal framework” is precisely why Trump gave a poorly-received speech last month accusing China of meddling in the 2020 presidential election.

Trump, in his speech, claimed China "'carried out ‘the largest compromise of election data in history’ starting with the 2020 cycle, illicitly collecting 220 million voter files ‘over a period of years,’” the New York Times reported. The Times described the claim as one of several Trump made that was “either overstated or untethered from reality.”

The Trump “administration published hundreds of pages of documents that were far more measured and reserved in their judgments about China and other election security issues,” the Times noted.

Trump also used the speech to push for his SAVE America Act — a restrictive voter ID bill that’s stalled out in Congress due to a lack of Republican support.

As the AP reports, “Election security experts say America’s decentralized voting system, with the power over elections residing with the states instead of the federal government, is a strength. Americans vote in more than 10,000 different jurisdictions with different rules, making the nations’ elections extraordinarily complicated but safe from widespread fraud.” The AP notes “no credible evidence” shows that foreign actors successfully manipulated the 2020 presidential election, which was conducted under the president’s first term in office."

A March 2021 federal intelligence report stated there were “no indications that any foreign actor attempted to alter any technical aspect of the voting process in the 2020 US elections, including voter registration, casting ballots, vote tabulation or reporting results."

Former intelligence officials called the president’s speech “dangerous,” including Sue Gordon, “principal deputy director of national intelligence in Trump’s first term,” the AP reports.

“He had an entire term to deal with it," Gordon told CNN.

The 25-minute primetime address did not present any new evidence of “of a single fraudulent vote cast in any election,” NPR reported last month.

Trump’s America First betrayal reveals security blind spot: maritime expert

In an attempt to ease the economic blowback from his spiraling war with Iran, President Donald Trump has leveraged a strategy that not only betrays the “America First” principles held by his followers, but that poses “troubling” national security implications as it empowers U.S. adversaries. This is according to an op-ed penned by former Federal Maritime Commissioner William P. Doyle and published on Monday by the conservative newspaper the Washington Examiner. In it, Doyle explains why Trump’s decision to suspend the Jones Act — a law requiring that cargo shipped between U.S. ports be carried by ships that are built, owned and crewed by American citizens — is both hypocritical and dangerous.

“The Trump administration acted quickly after the crisis in the Strait of Hormuz, temporarily waiving the Jones Act in hopes of easing pressure on American fuel markets,” writes Doyle. “That was an emergency decision. The question now is whether the facts still justify it. They do not.” The administration is now considering extending the waiver, which expires on August 16, but according to Doyle, “After nearly five months and almost 200 foreign vessel voyages, there is no public evidence that the waiver has delivered any savings at the gasoline pump.”

This situation allows foreign ships and crews to perform work that is legally “reserved for American-built, American-owned, American-crewed and American-flagged vessels,” which Doyle asserts raises “troubling” national security implications. For example, he writes that “the waiver has allowed a Chinese-owned, Chinese-operated, Chinese-built and Chinese-crewed vessel to carry cargo between Baltimore and Mississippi. It has also allowed a Russian crewed vessel to operate between Florida and Louisiana,” all the while extending tax exemptions to foreign shipping that places domestic companies at a disadvantage. According to Doyle, “That is difficult to reconcile with an America First economic and national security agenda.”

“The broader damage will be measured not only in cargoes lost today, but also in ships never built tomorrow,” he argues. “Investors, lenders and vessel operators will not commit billions of dollars to American shipyards if they believe the federal government will suspend the Jones Act whenever an international crisis disrupts global markets, even when the disruption has no connection to the availability or capacity of the domestic maritime industry. Uncertainty in federal policy can freeze long-term investment. Markets respond to clear rules. So do shipbuilders, vessel operators, lenders and the skilled workers they employ.”

Doyle notes that White House National Economic Council Director Kevin Hassett has long been a vocal critic of the Jones Act, recently defending the move as a means of reducing gas prices. But according to Doyle, “The waiver should be judged by results, not theory. The promised consumer benefit has not been demonstrated. Foreign operators have gained domestic cargoes. American mariners have lost work. And uncertainty is discouraging investment in the maritime industrial base that Trump has pledged to rebuild.” All of this, notes Doyle, is “also inconsistent with Trump’s Maritime Action Plan,” which “calls for rebuilding shipyards, expanding the U.S.-flagged fleet, and strengthening the nation’s maritime workforce. Those goals cannot be achieved while federal policy transfers domestic cargo to foreign ships and discourages investment in American vessels.”

But according to Doyle, “The administration does not have to choose between national security flexibility and maritime jobs." Congress already provided a narrower alternative: 46 U.S.C. § 501(b), which allows for the issuance of a waiver for a specific vessel when the president determines that it is necessary in the interest of national defense and the Maritime Administration determines that qualified U.S. vessel capacity is unavailable. That way, “the government can respond to a genuine emergency without turning an exceptional waiver into a standing invitation for foreign operators to enter routine domestic commerce.”

Doyle concludes with a warning, writing, “Trump’s goal of restoring America’s maritime industrial base cannot succeed if investors believe blanket Jones Act waivers may become the new normal. Allowing the current waiver to expire, while relying on the targeted authority Congress provided for genuine needs, would send a powerful signal. Emergency powers remain available when truly necessary, but America’s domestic commerce belongs to American ships, American companies, and American mariners. That is what America First should look like.”

Perils of Trump’s 'maximalist' executive power push revealed: legal scholar

President Donald Trump and his MAGA allies continue to push a far-right legal doctrine known as the "unitary executive theory," arguing that the U.S. Constitution grants presidents maximum executive power. But Harvard University legal scholar Noah Feldman, in an opinion column for Bloomberg News, counters that Trump and MAGA's "maximalist view" of presidential power is not only wrong — it is also a recipe for major corruption.

Feldman emphasizes that while presidents enjoy a certain amount of "executive privilege" under the U.S. Constitution, it is nowhere near as vast as MAGA Republicans are claiming.

"The Trump administration's latest assertions about executive privilege — that it protects the confidentiality of a president's communication with private advisers who aren't part of the government — are like too much else in this White House: politically unprecedented, legally wrong and morally dubious," Feldman writes in his Bloomberg column. "From a legal standpoint, the point of executive privilege is to protect communications that occur within the government, between the president and other public officials. Politically speaking, this is a naked attempt to protect the president from congressional investigation of potentially corrupt deals with his cronies, any of whom who could be called 'advisers' to avoid subpoena."

Never Trump conservative David French, in his New York Times columns and appearances on MS NOW (formerly MSNBC), has a lot to say about Trump and the unitary executive theory. Many Trump critics are complaining that Trump fails to recognize Congress as a "co-equal branch of government," but French goes a step further — arguing that the Constitution's system of checks and balances gives doesn't make Congress co-equal to the president, but gives the federal government's legislative branch even more power than its executive branch.

Feldman, in Bloomberg, urges Congress to fully exercise the legislative powers the Constitution grants them.

"If President Donald Trump invokes this executive privilege in future fights with Congress, as seems likely, the legislative branch cannot fold," the Harvard legal scholar stresses. "It must insist on its rights, bring the issue to court, and force the Supreme Court to reject the claim ... Historically, OLC (the U.S. Office of Office of Legal Counsel) has tended to adopt a maximalist position on presidential power ... But the doctrine of executive privilege has never been extended to conversations between the president and people who were not part of the government."

According to Feldman, Trump and his allies fail to understand "why executive privilege exists in the first place."

"The core idea is that the president should be able to get the advice he needs to run the government from the people who are best suited to provide it," Feldman notes. "Those people are government officials, who take an oath to uphold the Constitution and follow the laws. They are subject to all kinds of conflict-of-interest rules designed to make sure their advice is based on the national interest…. Donald Trump, the most corrupt president of the modern age, is asserting a broad new executive privilege designed to protect precisely corrupt cronyism. Neither Congress nor the courts can let that become the law."

Trump’s next victim has a familiar face

Donald Trump again tried rewriting the Constitution by issuing another executive order limiting birthright citizenship. Steve Vladeck has a breakdown of the details. For me, it was a reminder. No matter what happens in November, the republic still faces two more years of this gangster presidency – two more years of sabotage.¹ A Democratic Congress can check him, expose him, impeach and remove him. But it can't stop his crimes before they happen.

His party won't be spared. The Washington press corps characterizes the president as if he were on the same side as the Republicans. Yet Donald Trump suggested last week that he's indifferent to the results of the congressional elections. If voters are mad, he said, it's not at him. "They’re angry at Republicans,” Trump said Friday in an interview with Punchbowl News. “But they’re not angry at me. They’re not angry at me, but they are angry at Republicans.”

I think the conventional wisdom is missing that if the Republicans keep the House – they won't, but let's say they do – they won't need Trump anymore. They will have proven they can win despite his abysmal approval rating. (According to Pew, the president with the lowest midterm-year approval rating over the last 44 years was George W Bush. In 2006, his was 36 percent. Trump's stands at 34 percent.) But if they lose the Senate as well as the House, the Republicans won't want him anymore. Neither outcome is acceptable to Donald Trump.

If they lose, he will punish them. If they win, he will punish them.

Trump is doing what he can to encourage voters, especially maganites, to be angry at congressional Republicans. In that interview I mentioned, he said he's not sure whether John Thune should continue serving as Senate majority leader. He wants Thune to get rid of the filibuster (the Senate's 60-vote rule) and pass the SAVE America Act. He appears to believe the measure would secure victory and spare him the humiliation of a third impeachment.

But the SAVE America Act would almost certainly backfire, as it would require onerous voter-ID requirements that would disenfranchise voters in red states more than voters in blue states. (Thune knows the votes are not there, even without the filibuster.) That said, I don't think it matters to Trump what the SAVE America Act does, because that's not the point of his feud with Thune. The point is that in protecting the filibuster, the Republicans are imagining a future without Trump, and the point is that Trump will never tolerate that.

The conventional wisdom also appears to believe that there's little appetite for a third impeachment attempt. Over the weekend, Reuters reported that in anticipation of retaking power, the Democrats are "developing a broad investigative strategy targeting companies and financial firms surrounding [Trump], instead of trying to impeach him immediately."

Reuters: "The approach reflects both Democratic caution and a lesson many in the party say they learned during Trump's first term: that impeachment proceedings can consume Congress while allowing Trump to cast himself as the victim of a partisan campaign."

Yet despite the Democrats' apparent caution, the door is clearly open to impeachment. "No one wants a failed vote on day one," a senior Democratic aide told Reuters. "The focus is on building a body of evidence through investigations that can hold Trump accountable."

The question appears to be when to impeach, not if, and the answer will be clear in time. The president has no intention of changing, except in that his criminal conduct, which includes the prosecution of an illegal war against Iran that he cannot extract himself from, will get worse, no matter what happens in November. (The Iran War could go on indefinitely.)

Though a Democratic Congress cannot stop him before the damage is done, fear of accountability will almost certainly push him to commit more and greater crimes against the republic. Meanwhile, the consequences of his crime spree are burning up the US economy.

Trump will cry foul in any attempt to hold him responsible. But in neither of the first two attempts was his net economic approval as low as it is now. (According to the Wall Street Journal, it fell below -40 before his first 500 days. In his first term, it never fell below -10.)

Trump's image as a "successful businessman" shielded him in 2024. Voters could rationalize their support, saying that he might have led an insurrection, but he was still better for their pocketbooks than Kamala Harris. That image is now shattered. His crimes are enduring, painful and highly visible, and yet he blames his party for the public's rage. The Journal said this morning that his economic advantage is gone. With it, I think, is his political immunity.

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