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Behind the lawsuit that changed everything at Fox News

During the George W. Bush and Barack Obama years, conservative journalist Gretchen Carlson was a prominent figure on Fox News — co-hosting the morning show "Fox & Friends" for eight years before her own show, "The Real Story with Gretchen Carlson," debuted in 2013. But Carlson became persona non grata at Fox News after filing a sexual harassment lawsuit against chairman/CEO Roger Ailes (who died in 2017).

A decade after her departure from Fox News, Carlson, now 60, discusses her battle with the right-wing cable news channel in an interview with The Guardian's Victoria Bekiempis.

Carlson said of her lawsuit, filed in July 2016, "I have absolutely no regrets. I had no idea what was going to happen to me when I actually filed it 10 years ago. I thought I might be crying my eyes out for the rest of my life. Immediately, I found purpose."

Carlson alleged that she was fired from Fox News because she resisted Ailes' advances. And she isn't the only Fox News host who alleged sexual harassment; others include Megyn Kelly, now with SiriusXM, and Andrea Tantaros.

Since leaving Fox News, Carlson has been outspoken about sexual harassment in the workplace — co-founding the group Lift Our Voices with ally Julie Roginsky in 2019.

Carlson said of Lift Our Voices, "Our main mission is to eradicate silencing mechanisms in the workplace. It's that simple."

The Guardian's Victoria Bekiempis explains, "Lift Our Voices has pushed for legislation to end nondisclosure agreements and forced arbitration in relation to these issues. They have already seen successes: then-President Joe Biden, in 2022, signed into law the Ending Forced Arbitration of Sexual Assault and Sexual Harassment Act. The legislation gives all sexual assault and harassment survivors the right to sue in court against their abusers, instead of being forced into secretive private arbitration."

Carlson told The Guardian, "We, as Americans, have no idea what the mental health impact has been on people facing these kinds of experiences in their life, and on top of that, being silenced about it. We know it can't be good…. I always say that I may never own my own story, because I'm still under a very stringent NDA, which is why I can't talk about the details of my case. But the work that I do every day is helping millions of people. It gives me great happiness to know that all of these other people have the possibility of getting justice. It's work I never thought I'd be doing, but it gives me great, great satisfaction."

The real inflation story Washington completely ignores

There is a looming financial crisis that Washington politicians are not only ignoring, but they're also making it worse by ignoring it.

The New Republic's Grace Segers wrote Monday that food prices are continuing to rise as fuel prices drive up transportation costs. Wages, which continue to remain stagnant amid inflation, mean that many Americans are struggling to pay for everyday things like gas and groceries. So, they're turning to high-interest-rate credit cards or other forms of borrowing that put them in an even greater financial bind.

So-called payday loans or pay later loans give families an early boost, but at a high cost. On a credit card with a 25 percent interest rate, an individual pays $125 for $100 of groceries. Other pay-later lenders charge interest rates of 300 percent or more, even 600 percent in some states, explained one credit union.

The report recalled the high egg prices ahead of the 2024 election, in part due to the avian flu outbreak, but now high beef or bread prices have taken over.

“The war is just exacerbating all the angst around,” said Mark Zandi, the chief economist at Moody’s Analytics. “It’s a real problem financially, but also it’s being supercharged in the minds of people because people are really focused on the cost of food and groceries.”

Zandi explained that, unlike in 2024, with a few high-ticket items, the concern is that so many of the items are now higher-priced. “Almost everyone has a food item that they’re focused on [that] they buy regularly ... [and] use as a benchmark for the cost of living and their financial situation.”

At this point, even if President Donald Trump were to end the Iran war this week, the economic impact will be felt for the next several years. He asserted he's "already solved inflation."

“There’s no going back on energy costs, at least not in the next couple, three, four years,” Zandi said. “I think we’re all going to be paying a lot more for energy, and that will translate into higher costs for everything, obviously including groceries and food more broadly.”

Beyond the financial impact on the country as a whole, Segers frames it as part of a troubling trend and as a sign of deeper economic stress for most Americans, particularly lower-income families, who are more likely to use pay-later lenders.

The ultimate result is that rising costs for essential items put people on a kind of endless hamster wheel that they can't break. It's a problem that Congress could fix by investing in safety-net programs and expanding access to credit counseling. The problem is that Republicans made astronomical cuts to such programs in the so-called "Big, Beautiful Bill" passed in 2025.

The real story behind the GOP's beef with James Talarico

The 2026 midterms are here, and negative campaign messaging is flooding screens across the U.S. In Texas’ Senate race, Republican Attorney General Ken Paxton’s comments about Democratic Texas Rep. James Talarico have gone viral.

Rather than simply suggesting Talarico is weak on border security or inflation economics, Paxton’s campaign has taken a different rhetorical approach. To quote Fox News host Jesse Watters, “The major factor in this race … is whether Tala-freak-o is a vegan.”

Though Talarico maintains he is not vegan, Paxton has referred to his opponent as “Tofu Talarico.”

Paxton and Watters aren’t the only ones making these dietary accusations.

Earlier this year, after Talarico ordered a potato, egg and cheese taco from a restaurant in Austin, Texas Gov. Greg Abbott posted to his campaign social platform X account: “Homie is not beating the vegetarian allegations.”

Texas Sen. Ted Cruz joked that if a soy latte could speak, “that would be Democrat James Talarico.” Even President Donald Trump has chimed in: “He’s a vegan in Texas, and you can’t get elected as a vegan in Texas.”

Again, Talarico denies being a secret vegetarian or vegan. “I’m an eighth-generation Texan,” he has said. “I’ve been eating barbecue since before Ken Paxton’s first indictment.”

The accusations likely stem from a 2022 appearance with the Texas Humane Legislation Network when Talarico suggested Americans reduce their meat consumption for climate reasons. His girlfriend follows a plant-based diet. Nonetheless, Talarico says that his campaign “runs on barbecue.”

As communication scholars who study the symbolic roles of meat and meat-eating in political communication, we see the construction of “Tofu Talarico” not as a one-off political jab but as part of a more sophisticated rhetorical strategy by which politicians appeal to voters.

Attacks on Talarico show how, across American politics, what people eat is a metaphoric marker of who they are, from political affiliation to regional belonging and cultural values. Eating meat – or not – plays a huge role in the political process, and accusations of meat avoidance, regardless of whether they’re true, can be a potent rhetorical weapon.

Three people stand at a counter in a taco restaurant From left, former President Barack Obama, Texas Democratic Senate candidate Rep. James Talarico and Texas Democratic gubernatorial candidate Gina Hinojosa visit the Taco Joint in Austin in May 2026. Talarico’s order – potato, egg and cheese tacos – drew ridicule from Republicans, feeding vegetarian and vegan attack lines that he denies. AP Photo/Joel Angel Juarez, Pool

Meat, metaphor and political communication

Communication scholarship shows that metaphors, when a word or phrase denoting one object or idea is used in place of another, are more than literary decoration; they shape the way we perceive reality, acting as part of a “conceptual system” that enables snap judgments and decision-making.

As mental shortcuts, or heuristic devices, metaphors are common in political communication. They’re a means to “see something in terms of something else.”

For example, in the case of Paxton and Talarico, allegations of vegetarianism and veganism are not about Talarico’s nutritional profile or even his environmental ethics. Here, “vegan” and its analogues metaphorically stand in for weakness and nonconformity, whereas “meat” and its affiliates stand in for strength, traditionalism and the stereotypical Texan way.

This usage is consistent with what food politics researchers call the “sexual politics” of meat, wherein meat imagery is often used in displays of traditional masculinity. This is evident in other jabs levied at Talarico. For example, Watters linked Talarico’s diet to his sexual orientation, joking on Fox News that Talarico was a “gay vegan” with a fake girlfriend.

Dietary demographics and election modeling

Dietary preference also links to key political demographics. For example, political scientists have explored whether the concept of a Republican vegan is an oxymoron due to the deep entrenchment of meat-eating and meat production in primarily conservative regions.

Overwhelmingly, vegans tend to be women, young and liberal. Across all political identifications, being male and white correlates with higher meat consumption.

Even the choice of where to purchase meat can be an electoral measure. Political journalist Dave Wasserman has suggested that the 2012 election was a contest between “well-educated, Democratic-trending Whole Foods markets and down-home, Republican-trending Cracker Barrel outposts.”

Meatless political appeals

The “meatless” have long been framed as social and political threats, levied in discussions of whether they should be politically elevated or subordinated. Historically, Western norms during the 19th and 20th centuries held that to not eat meat is odd at best, and suspicious at worst.

In the late 1800s, colonialism in Asia was partially justified on the grounds that Asian men were but “effeminate rice eaters” who, according to 19th-century neurologist James Leonard Corning, lacked “the intellectual vigor of flesh-eating men.”

Negative appeals to veganism again flourished in 2019 after Democratic Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez’s “Green New Deal,” a resolution proposing to combat climate change. Conservative senators like Joni Ernst and Marsha Blackburn attacked the environmentally progressive initiative as a “war on meat,” posing an existential threat to meat eaters and cattle farmers. Notably, the Green New Deal did not contain meat mandates. In the Green New Deal discussion, though, this hypothetical meat ban effectively functioned as metaphorical shortcut for progressive political overreach.

This demarcation is not confined to one political party. In a Democratic primary debate in 2019, New Jersey Senator Cory Booker – a vegan since 2014 – was asked by a debate moderator if, as president, he would demand Americans follow his diet. Booker, surprised by the personal question, said no. He did not win the nomination.

More meat, less elite

Meat, or lack thereof, has gathered more significance in the second Trump presidency via Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr.’s Make America Healthy Again initiative. Kennedy, who touts his “carnivore diet,” says he “only (eats) meat or fermented foods.” He has even modified the food pyramid – the Department of Agriculture’s visual nutrition guide – shifting red meat from a food to be consumed sparingly to a high dietary priority.

Meanwhile, multiple Republican-leaning states have banned cell-cultured meat, or meat produced in a lab, for not being “real” and, so, being dangerous. After signing a ban on cultured meat, Florida Governor Ron DeSantis declared that the bill represented a battle against the global elite and its “authoritarian goals.”

A woman speaks from behind a podium, a poster showing an inverted food pyramid on display nearby Secretary of Agriculture Brooke Rollins speaks at a Department of Health and Human Services event in January 2026. The Trump administration announced new dietary guidelines emphasizing proteins. Anna Moneymaker/Getty Images

2026 and beyond

While the beef between Paxton and Talarico will likely resolve after the 2026 midterms, appeals to meat, meat eaters and meat-eating in U.S. political communication will not.

As available meat substitutes increase, economic burdens on ranchers rise and debates over the meat industry’s impact on climate change intensify, we expect meat’s culture war cachet to surge too.

“Tofu Talarico” is just one of what will be numerous examples of meat symbolizing what the future of the country, its leaders and its citizens should be.The Conversation

S. Marek Muller, Associate Professor of Communication Studies, Texas State University and David Rooney, Associate Professor of Practice, University of Wyoming

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

DC insider warns of very real GOP plot to stop Dem takeover after November victory

Veteran campaign consultant James Carville is warning that Democrats need to keep their eyes open for Republican hijinks as the election nears.

The Daily Beast reported that Carville was responding to listener emails for his podcast, "Politics War Room," when someone asked about Speaker Mike Johnson "playing games" with the swearing-in of Arizona Democrat Adelita Grijalva, despite her winning the special election after Rep. Raúl Grijalva (D-Az.) passed away. The younger Grijalva was ultimately sworn in, but Johnson appeared to be dodging a discharge petition, forcing the bill over releasing the Jeffrey Epstein files

The listener expressed fear that Johnson could refuse to swear in Democrats if they take over Congress. It's a very real concern, agreed co-host Al Hunt.

Both men suggested that Democrats begin speaking with the "best" lawyers now so they are prepared to go to court. Hunt cautioned, "There's nothing that they won't do" to cling to power.

Carville said he agreed. "And also just send as many early warning things as you can. Warn people they’re going to try this. The best defense against all this is an early warning system, some version of NORAD."

NORAD runs the early warning system, prepared to respond if the U.S. is under attack.

“You cannot talk about it enough. It’s too dangerous, and they’re going to try. You have to have not just good lawyers. You have to have good preparation. You’ve got to be ready to go when it happens, to stoke what I think would be huge outrage in this country,” Carville said.

Carville acknowledged that it's a heavier lift than many might believe, particularly when compared with other kinds of election-specific hijinks.

"I’m not saying they’re not going to try, but I think it’s going to be very hard for them to do, very hard, particularly when you’re forewarned," he explained.

“But they’re going to try, no question," Hunt maintained.

Despite Republican success with mid-decade redistricting and gerrymandering to eliminate Democratic-leaning seats, the GOP is still expected to lose the House in the election. There is an overwhelming anger from voters with Congress over the inability to accomplish legislative solutions to deal with the affordability crisis, the government shutdowns and stop Trump's war in Iran.

Grijalva blasted Johnson in her first speech on the House floor, saying, “One individual should not be able to unilaterally obstruct the swearing-in of a duly elected Member of Congress for political reasons."


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Critics tear apart Democratic senators' 'nauseating' tributes to Lindsey Graham

Hours after Sen. Lindsey Graham unexpectedly died on Saturday, many of his Democratic colleagues in the US Senate posted statements on their social media pages paying tribute to the South Carolina Republican.

Sen. Adam Schiff (D-Calif.) said that he would most remember Graham (R-SC) for his “his sense of humor and how he deployed it to move his policy positions forward.”

“Though we did not often agree,” Schiff added, “Senator Graham was never disagreeable.”

Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.) similarly said of Graham that “even though we disagreed on much, he was always willing to negotiate, with humor and wit,” adding “my heart goes out to his loved ones.”

Sen. Andy Kim (D-NJ) said he was “saddened” to hear of news of Graham’s death, which he said came “as a real shock.”

“I’m grateful I had the chance to work with Lindsey,” said Kim, “including several international trips working on foreign policy.”

However, many critics argued that these tributes to Graham overlooked his destructive legacy in public office, including his decades of war mongering and his slavish devotion to the authoritarian President Donald Trump.

“I don’t give a f that Graham used to be friends with Democratic senators,” wrote Thomas Lecaque, associate professor of history at Grand View University. “He was a bloodthirsty b------ who cheered the killing of Muslims and sold his soul to the fascists to be able to push it more effectively. I don’t care about any other part of him: his choices caused mass death. That’s it.”

Princeton historian Kevin Kruse, responding directly to Schiff’s post, reminded him of Graham’s behavior during the Brett Kavanaugh confirmation hearings when he “threw an angry tantrum in defense of a SCOTUS nominee credibly accused of rape.”

“Did you all have a good collegial chuckle over that?” Kruse asked.

Brandon Friedman, co-founder of the Rakkasan Tea Company and a veteran of the Iraq War, also responded directly to Schiff.

“What I’ll remember most about Senator Graham,” Friedman wrote, “is how he sent my friends to die in an unnecessary war in Iraq.”

Jen Rubin, editor-in-chief of The Contrarian and former columnist for The Washington Post, described the Democrats’ tributes to Graham as “nauseating” and “everything that is wrong” with the US Senate.

Nicholas Grossman, professor of international relations at the University of Illinois, said the Democrats’ statements were just one more signal of weakness from the party.

“The Democratic Party’s approval rating is in the toilet,” Grossman wrote, “and the main reason is voters see Dem leaders and prominent members acting like things are basically okay instead of fighting like there’s an emergency. Slot ‘my friend Lindsey Graham, so funny, how great to work with him’ comments into that.”

Cartoonish Eli Valley was apoplectic about Democrats’ fawning hagiography of their late Republican colleague.

“That Democrats see mass-murdering fascists dismantling the country as nothing more than ‘colleagues they dislike’ is why we’ve been in a non-stop plummet,” Valley wrote. “Incredible this is still debatable, by people who ostensibly oppose fascism, ten years into this?!?”

Political consultant Jamison Foser wrote a parody of the Democrats’ statements that imagined them paying tribute to none other than Satan.

“Deeply saddened to learn of the loss of my dear friend Satan, the Prince of Lies,” wrote Foser. “Though we often disagreed about matters such as the appropriate role of torture in the afterlife, I will most remember how his quick wit and affable nature made our weekly golf outings a ritual. He will be missed.”

Democrats could flip the House—but the Senate is a whole different story: analysis

If Democrats flip either or both branches of Congress in the United States' 2026 midterms, it will be a major setback for President Donald Trump. A Democratic majority in the U.S. House of Representatives would likely subject Trump to a wide variety of investigations, and a Democratic U.S. Senate majority would make it much harder for Trump to get his nominees confirmed. But according to pollsters and political scientists interviewed by the New York Times, Democrats are facing a lot of obstacles in their fight for control of Congress in the midterms.

Carlos Odio, founder of Equis Research, told the Times, "All signs point to a Democratic House majority. But there is a drag on Democrats keeping them from a larger tsunami. My informed suspicion is that groups that swung the most toward Trump in 2024 haven't entirely turned against his party — yet. For a Senate majority, Democrats need to win in at least two states where Trump won by double digits. Even in the blue wave of 2018, only two incumbents (Jon Tester in Montana and Joe Manchin in West Virginia) did that. Today, I can see Democrats pulling off one miracle — but it's too early to anticipate more. I still think Maine will move on from (Sen.) Susan Collins."

Pollster Nate Silver, who publishes the Silver Bulletin newsletter, warns Democrats that they are facing a major uphill climb in the Senate.

Silver told the Times, "With the Democratic lead on the generic ballot (currently about D+6), you'd expect them to overcome the Republican advantage from redistricting. That could grow, because most polls right now are among registered voters, and Democrats are likely to have an enthusiasm advantage that will show up once there's a switch to likely-voter polls. In the Senate, to win those four seats, Maine is a problem. There's not much polling on non-Platner alternatives versus Collins, and any bridge burning by him on the way out could make it hard to unify around the new nominee. Coupled with the recent Times/Siena Senate polling, that makes for more combinations where Democrats come up short."

Medium Data's Charlotte Swasey is equally skeptical about Democrats' chances of flipping the Senate, telling the Times, "Democrats are very, very likely to win a House majority. They're only a few seats shy, and midterm elections are highly thermostatic, with the president's party losing seats in every midterm since 2002. The real question is if they can get a Senate majority to match it. I think not quite — the overall Democratic shift seems likely to sweep North Carolina, but past that you run into a wall of states with either unusually strong Republican candidates (Maine) or solid Trump margins (Ohio, Alaska, Texas, Iowa)."

Lynn Vavreck, a political scientist at the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA), stresses that GOP and Democratic strategists will need to keep a close eye on Pennsylvania between now and November.

Vavreck told the Times, "Josh Shapiro is on the ballot in November seeking a second term as governor of Pennsylvania, and I'm watching. It's not a competitive race, but he's a popular Democratic governor in a swing state (he won by 15 points in 2022), he has a national profile, and he'll use all of this to try to swing Pennsylvania's highly competitive Republican-held districts. If the Democrats pick up the 7th and 10th Districts, they are probably on track for a House majority. If the 8th District flips, they are expanding into working-class territory, raising the possibility that places like northeastern Pennsylvania remain open to Democrats like Shapiro. Results like these will deepen the conversation about the party's post-2026 future — and Shapiro's potential role in it."

According to Echelon Insights' Patrick Ruffini, inflation will play a major role in the midterms' outcome.

Ruffini told the Times, "Inflation is a key indicator — and more to the point, gas prices. Figuratively and literally, gas prices are the scoreboard people drive by every day that tells them if things are going well or poorly in the economy. They’re also a decent barometer of whether Trump will have succeeded in extricating the country from the war in Iran. A national average price of $3.50 or lower — they are currently at about $3.90 — is probably table stakes for any chance that the GOP has of exceeding expectations."

Graham Platner was ‘grown in a vat’ by political hucksters

There are many instructive lessons to be learned about the rise and fall of now-former Maine Democratic Senate candidate Graham Platner, who dropped out of the race last week last under enormous pressure after a credible rape allegation was made against him. One I want to focus on is how he was chosen, shaped and pruned by political operatives who bear a large portion of the responsibility for what happened here.

One of them at least, Dan Moraff, probably should not work in politics again. This guy allegedly actually tried a few years ago to get a journalist to delete quotes made by a candidate in an already published article because they were too critical of Donald Trump—more on that further down—as Moraff went about his usual behavior of molding candidates into something he thought would sell better to the electorate.

Let me be clear that I’m all for bringing in new and fresh candidates, and we surely need progressive fighters. That is not the issue here. The problem is that the progressive out-of-state consultants who encouraged Platner to run are just as bad as the people in the Democratic establishment who groom candidates with poll-tested talking points and political posturing. Policies and problem-solving for the people take a back seat to winning at any cost.

Last month, after so much had come out about Platner, Moraff told the Wall Street Journal in a video short accompanying a larger piece about him in the paper that he wasn’t worried about Platner’s Nazi tattoo or the vile Reddit posts that had come out at that time. (The meager vetting missed the tattoo but had some of the Reddit posts.)

“Part of our thesis here is that people do not want their candidates grown in vats,” Moraff told the WSJ reporter, alluding to the Democratic establishment, which is risk averse and has been dismally choosing middle-of-the-road, unexciting candidates who are not right for our times. “They want people who are real human beings, and they want people who do not look and sound like the vat-grown people who’ve been leading this country off a cliff for the last century, and that was Graham.”

On the criticism of the Democratic establishment, we certainly agree. And at about the same time as the interview, I defended Platner from the ludicrous attacks coming from Republicans vilifying him as “immoral” while they embrace the rapist in chief, Donald Trump.

But Moraff is just as guilty of creating candidates “in a vat” as the people he’s criticized.

As The New York Times last week described Platner’s rise, “Last July, in a small town in coastal Maine, a couple of progressive, self-styled recruiters of economic populists showed up at the blue-shingled house of Graham Platner, a little-known oyster farmer and Marine veteran who lived largely off government benefits.”

They had been looking around for a candidate who could take on Republican Susan Collins and were studying quite a few people, according to various reports. They apparently heard about Platner via local activists and had seen a video of him discussing oyster farming. They were taken by the working-class vibe (though Platner is from a wealthy family), the fact that he was a war veteran, his left-leaning politics, and his gruff demeanor. They’d decided they’d found their guy and made the case to Platner, who clearly was enthralled.

The initial headhunters, Dan Moraff and Leanne Fan, and then a third out-of-state operative they called up to Maine — Morris Katz — told Mr. Platner he was “the one,” a “hero of the movement,” “a historical figure” who could be “leading a revolution,” according to half a dozen people with knowledge of their conversations.
But a clutch of people who cared about Mr. Platner were telling him something else. They worried about his mental health, amid his ongoing efforts to heal from post-traumatic stress disorder after tours in Iraq and Afghanistan. They feared this trio of out-of-state operatives was a dangerous combination of inexperienced and overconfident. The worst-case scenario, they thought, wasn’t running for Senate and losing — it was destroying the life he worked hard to build.

Read the boldface text there. I don’t mean to make Platner into the victim here—he’s not, having credibly been accused of raping a woman and having hidden it from his advisers, Democratic leaders, and voters—but it’s clear that he was a very troubled individual who was sold something by a group of people who chose him right out of central casting, getting him all ginned up on the idea of winning a Senate race.

Moraff and his team didn’t do a full vetting, which would take weeks and cost $20,000 per month on retainer, opting for an expedited review that took a few days. They clearly missed a lot.

But this was something Moraff had done before, having come off a string of failures as a strategist. And it needs more attention. After working as a “super volunteer” on Bernie Sanders’ campaign in 2016, and then having an early victory in recruiting progressive activist Summer Lee to run for a state legislative seat in 2018 in Pennsylvania—she won, and then was successful in getting elected as a U.S. House member in 2022—Moraff ran into problems. Per the Wall Street Journal:

Moraff’s backers call him a brilliant disrupter with a fresh perspective who doesn’t mind rubbing people the wrong way to win. But his work for Platner fits a pattern of management of previous campaigns, according to more than a dozen people who have worked with him over the last decade. In particular, candidate vetting has been a frequent source of tension.

In Pittsburgh, the WSJ reports, Moraff “was involved in Turahn Jenkins’s 2018 campaign to take on the county’s district attorney, Stephen Zappala Jr. Less than a week into his campaign, progressive groups backed away from Jenkins when it emerged that he belonged to a church that held antigay views.”

Also in Pennsylvania, Moraff told local journalist Mike Elk that he was recruiting Bryan Pietzrak, a General Electric locomotive factory worker, to run for Congress in Erie in 2022. According to Elk in a piece he wrote this week, Moraff called him while he was out of the country working on a story in Brazil and urged him to remove anti-Trump quotes attributed to Pietzrak from a 2020 piece Elk had written.

Moraff explained at length that Pietzrak’s quote against Trump could hurt his chances of appealing to Trump voters in Erie. I told him deleting a quote as a political favor would violate journalistic ethics. He insisted I do it even after I said no.
Cajoling me, Moraff told me that, “No one would know that I deleted the quote.” I told him that wasn’t the issue, and that it was unethical, so I refused. He told me to forget the conversation and never mention it to anyone. It’s important to know Moraff asked me to lie for a candidate he was recruiting.

In New York, as reported by the WSJ, “Moraff worked as campaign manager for state Senate candidate Debbie Medina. Her 2016 admission that she beat her son as a child with a belt derailed her campaign. The revelation came after older testimony from the sentencing of her son in a murder trial surfaced.” Clearly, another bad vetting issue.

Moraff recruited a candidate in Iowa this year to run for the Senate, Nathan Sage, a veteran and former executive director of the Knoxville Chamber of Commerce. Again, he didn’t do a full vetting, just an expedited one. In this case it appears Sage, who wasn’t getting traction, dropped out in part because Moraff seems to have abandoned him, turning his sights to Maine and Platner, a shiny new object. According to the WSJ:

Sage said Moraff, who showed up at his workplace unexpectedly and convinced him to run, shifted his attention almost entirely from Iowa to Maine once he found Platner. He would sporadically make calls and join meetings only to criticize the campaign’s strategy or offer ideas that didn’t align with Sage’s views and the electorate in Iowa.

Moraff apparently doesn’t delve into policy much, except to tell his candidates “to back Medicare for All and characterize the Israel-Hamas conflict as a genocide,” the WSJ reports, “but beyond that, doesn’t believe voters care about detailed proposals.” For Platner, he apparently crowdsourced policy proposals from activists on Discord, basically just seeing what would play to the crowd.

There’s no question that Chuck Schumer and Democrats in the DC establishment share the blame here, as they refused to draw upon the dynamic candidates in Maine who are now being looked at as Platner’s replacement. They went instead with Gov. Janet Mills, who just didn’t have the fight and wouldn’t bring in younger voters. Few elected officials in Maine then probably wanted to take on the sitting governor the establishment had coalesced around.

This encouraged the very situation we have, in which progressives from out of state came in, did a search, chose Platner, and built support around him. So yes, the Democratic establishment by far isn’t unscathed. But that doesn’t absolve Moraff and his team for the sloppy vetting and for what we would later learn was a disorganized campaign with little money on hand, as Susan Collins had bankrolled ten times more. That is all on them.

And it also shows that they were doing the same thing they accused the establishment of doing: molding a hand-picked candidate, feeding him policy mantras and stage-crafting a campaign.

America's point of no return: Inside Trump's irreversible damage — and what comes next

Don't kid yourself. The sphere of freedom is shrinking. Trans people wanted to live their lives, but the political right, in the form of Donald Trump, made them demons and the political center, in the form of respectable white people, made the right's demonization seem respectable. Kamala Harris wanted America to choose liberty. "We're not going back," she said. Many of us agreed, but we are. The pulling back of trans rights could lead to the pulling back of other rights – birth control, gay marriage, inter-racial marriage, and more.

Yet the future is unknown. People will fight. More importantly, they will find joy in the struggle. That's the spirit I found in the interview below with Evan Urquhart. After writing extensively for The Atlantic, Vanity Fair and others, he set up Assigned Media in 2022 to report on transgender news. He told me that hope can be found in the fact that for all the bigotry trans people are facing, they still face less than they used to. Moreover, there's greater awareness, which means more chances for normalizing trans life. But most of all, he said, trans people just know themselves, and "you can't put toothpaste back in the tube. We're out, we're everywhere, and even if our lives are harder, we're not going away."

Even so, things will get worse before they get better. "The presidencies of Donald Trump represent a phase shift for American democracy, one that has made it impossible to return to the way things were," Evan told me. "I think if you look at the totality of the actions of Trump himself, his administrations, and his judges, that's an inescapable conclusion. ... It's too unsettling ... so people tell themselves this is just trans issues stuff, nothing to do with them."

SCOTUS ruled that states can ban transgender athletes. The number of such athletes is vanishingly small. Yet states are targeting people without much power. What's going on?

Trans women's participation in women's sports was identified as a perfect wedge issue by conservatives, in part because the stakes feel relatively low, because playing sports isn't required for survival, and because fairly few trans people play sports.

The right has since moved on to targeting trans people in every part of our lives, from identity documents to restrooms to stripping any mention of trans women out of rape protections in federal prisons, but sports has been around the longest, which is why it had the time to make it to the Supreme Court.

As a wedge, it works to cement the idea in people's minds that trans people should be treated as members of our birth-assigned sex, in order to slowly roll up the idea that treating us equally means making room for us to live as our authentic selves.

What do you see being done about this among Dems and allies? What are the obstacles?

I think that the consensus among Democrats and allies, and even among many trans people, has been to let this one go. The majority of Americans have been convinced to see this as a common sense issue of keeping men from steamrolling women's sports, and since it really is such a tiny group of people being impacted, the thinking is to retreat and regroup.

I personally think there's a bit of a lost opportunity here, though. Because sports is lower stakes, there's actually room to get people curious about the science, about the ways hormones influence our bodies, about the vast differences between trans people and cis members of their birth sex. In all the years trans women who'd medically transitioned were allowed to participate, not one dominated a single sport. That's interesting and unintuitive for a lot of people, and I think you can activate the part of people's brains that gets curious and wants to know more about this issue, which can be useful for education. It's different with questions that are more emotional, like whether to allow your 14 year old to start a hormonal medication. On those questions, I see people's curiosity give way to fear.

On transitioning, I think what are called radical centrists are largely responsible. They pushed fear over liberty. They pretended that rightwingers are only reacting, not making the choice to punch down. What can be done? What historical models are there?

Centrists want easy answers to the challenges we're facing. They want an easy answer to the challenge of having a completely unsuitable, unethical, mendacious person attain the US presidency, and to other challenges like climate change and increasing inequality as well. They want to believe we're still living in the 1990s, an eternal 1990s where the Overton Window is extremely narrow, our political parties agree and work together on a lot of things, and voters reward them for that.

To someone with that mindset, it's very appealing to think there's a minority (one who people in their social set largely agree are a little weird) who they can just change positions on with no pain. If that's true, you can just tweak your platform at the margins and avoid the hard question: Why are Americans so desperate for change they'll vote for a fascist in one election and a socialist in the next?

But the damage is not going to be limited to one subset. Some say the trans ruling is softening the ground toward striking down gay marriage, birth control and perhaps inter-racial marriage. The sphere of freedom is shrinking. Is there enough awareness of that?

In my view, the presidencies of Donald Trump represent a phase shift for American democracy, one that has made it impossible to return to the way things were. I think if you look at the totality of the actions of Trump himself, his administrations, and his judges, that's an inescapable conclusion.

It's also a very scary conclusion, which is why people don't want to look at these precedents on trans rights and ask, if a state legislature can ban a safe and effective treatment for trans people, does that mean they can ban vaccines? Does that mean they can ban antidepressants, birth control, and ADHD medications? They want the disturbance to stay with the trans community, not necessarily because they hate us but because it's quite scary to imagine the consequences of, for example, a far-right court deciding that equal protection just doesn't apply to trans people in sports because there aren't that many trans people in sports.

Who else might they decide equal protection doesn't apply to? It's too unsettling to ask the question, so people tell themselves this is just trans issues stuff, nothing to do with them.

Here in Connecticut, the state GOP is trying to ban trans women from women's sports, but their effort is falling in deaf ears. That seems indicative of the future, where some states and regions honor and protect equality under law while others savage it. Legally speaking, the same person in Connecticut is different in Alabama. Is that our future?

Blue states have largely circled the wagons around their trans communities, in a way that's lovely to see. I think that the far right really wants to federalize fascism, and make it impossible for states to protect trans people, but that project may be more difficult than they thought.

As difficult and scary as it is to see my rights being chipped away, a lot has changed. Part of that is that more people know trans people, and even with a bit of backsliding the prejudice isn't nearly what it was when I was young. Another part is that trans people have more ways to know themselves and express themselves than they ever did. I can't predict the future, but I know you can't put toothpaste back in the tube. We're out, we're everywhere, and even if our lives are harder, we're not going away.

The reckoning coming when the MAGA sleeping giant awakens

Democratic primary elections, in particular, are showing us America is both in the midst of a deep crisis and is on the verge of what could be transformational, positive, life-altering political and economic change comparable to FDR’s New Deal.

It became obvious, really, in the first minute of New Year’s Day this year, when two things happened at once vividly showing us all the contrast and the crises around where America stands right now.

In a long-abandoned subway station deep under lower Manhattan, progressive Democrat Zohran Mamdani was sworn in as mayor of New York City, largely on the simple promise that New York could once again become “a city we can afford.”

And at that very same midnight — because Republicans refused to extend them — the enhanced Obamacare subsidies expired for more than twenty million Americans, jacking their health insurance prices overnight into stratospheric amounts that are now pushing families to skip pills, skip meals, and skip the doctor entirely.

One honest man took office swearing that he’d help ordinary people afford to live, and at that same moment, millions of working class people lost the ability to afford their insurance because Republican politicians consistently put their morbidly rich individual and corporate donors above all else.

Even Newsweek, no one’s idea of a radical rag, noticed the thing our media generally misses: the same cost-of-living fury that carried Donald Trump back into the White House in 2024 was the same fury Mamdani rode to City Hall a year later.

When Louise and I lived in a boat in a marina in Washington, DC back during the 2016 election year, we knew quite a few people retired from the Navy and Coast Guard who generally called themselves Republicans, but were split between Trump and Bernie for their vote. Why? Because both were promising real, meaningful change.

I’ve told you before about my dad. Carl came home from the Second World War, finally got a good union job in a tool-and-die shop in Lansing, and on that one paycheck he raised us four boys, bought a house, put a new car in the driveway every couple of years, sent us toward college, took my mom on vacation, and retired with a pension that let the two of them travel the world.

That wasn’t wealth: that was the ordinary American middle class, and in 1981 — the year Reagan decided to destroy our unions, cut those “socialist benefits,” and freeze the minimum wage — two-thirds of us Americans lived in that middle class on a single income. Today it’s closer to only 40 percent of us, and it takes two full paychecks to reach what one paycheck used to buy.

Particularly over the past few years, America has politically bifurcated: One side is characterized by a guy in a red hat who’s dead certain that brown-skinned immigrants took his job and he wants them gone. The other is a young organizer knocking on doors for Medicare for All and tuition-free college.

Every cable network, every consultant, every party fundraiser will tell you these two are the opposite poles of our politics, the “far right” and the “far left” of our political spectrum. But in reality, they’re both looking at the same problem.

They’re both grieving the very same dead dream, reaching up for what my father had when I was a kid: a middle-class life. The difference is that one of them — the MAGA true believer — has been handed a Black/Hispanic/queer/female scapegoat while the other — the progressive — understands that we need to stop America’s oligarchs from their pillage.

But the financial pain underneath, the force driving both to want change, is largely identical, and it’s real.

The whole economic case Republicans made for mass deportation was that clearing out the immigrants would hand American workers a raise. It ignored the Republican destruction of the American union movement, and amplified the exploitable, often-nascent racism many in the GOP’s base already carried.

Trump’s own Treasury Secretary, Scott Bessent, put it plainly, insisting that illegal immigration had for years “artificially suppressed wages” and gutted the prospects of working-class Americans, especially young white men. That was the promise: a blue-collar wage boom, with a dose of cruelty to speed it up.

Then the receipts came in.

A Brookings analysis found that ICE operations wiped out roughly 668,000 jobs, and that somewhere between 51,000 and 297,000 of those jobs had belonged to workers born right here in the United States. Construction, hospitality, and food service, the very industries where those anxious young men actually work, got hit the hardest.

University of Colorado economists Chloe East and Elizabeth Cox went looking for the promised windfall from Miller’s imprisonment and deportation campaign and couldn’t find it. There was no boost in jobs or wages for U.S.-born workers.

If anything, the crackdown hurt working-class men in immigrant-heavy trades like construction, because when you rip a non-citizen bricklayer off a job site you also idle the American electrician and project manager who needed that wall to go up.

So the red-hat guy’s pain is real. His paycheck really did shrink, his rent really is crushing him, his kid really can’t afford the college my dad could.

But the story he was sold about who did it to him is a lie, the same lie they sold his great grandfather in the 1920s when they swore it was Black people coming for his job, or his father in the 1980s when Limbaugh said it was the “Feminazis” who wanted to displace him, now just repackaged with browner faces, tradwives, fake Christianity, and a border.

The pain of being a working person in an America — where Republicans have all but destroyed the union movement and bipartisan neoliberalism has moved millions of jobs overseas — is genuine: but the villain is manufactured. And it’s manufactured by the same people quietly emptying working people’s wallets.

You can see the shared wound the moment you take the labels off and ask people about what actual policies they support instead of which political tribe they belong to.

The Century Foundation surveyed working-class Americans, including the ones who voted for Trump in droves, alongside their college-educated neighbors who lean Democratic. On the policies that actually shape their economic lives the two groups were highly aligned, both of them overwhelmingly backing populist economics and hard limits on billionaire and corporate power.

The rest of the polling tells the same story. A CNN survey this spring found 76 percent of Americans naming the cost of living as their single biggest economic problem, with about three-quarters saying the system is rigged for the powerful and three-quarters saying it’s harder to get ahead than it was a generation ago.

A January New York Times and Siena poll found 65 percent of voters say a middle-class life is simply out of reach, and 77 percent say it’s harder to reach now than it was for their parents. That isn’t a “left” or “right” number: that’s my dad’s vanished paycheck and benefits, expressed as despair, across the whole country.

Which is precisely why the morbidly rich oligarchs and their lickspittle politicians, and the billionaire-owned media, work so hard to keep us in these neat little categories and at each others’ throats.

The irony is that while progressives have properly identified who killed the middle class (the title of my new book), Republican voters believe something entirely different, a story America’s oligarchs have spent literally billions to instill in them.

One rightwing story is that the enemy of the middle class are the Democratic politicians who Republicans are now calling communists: this very week, as I wrote yesterday, Trump is out branding Democrats as dangerous “communists” while democratic-socialist candidates keep winning primaries on Medicare for All, free college, and good union jobs.

And in a coarser corner of the rightwing world where racism is as much an animator (or more) than economic pain, the enemy Republicans are pushing are brown- or Black-skinned immigrants “poisoning the blood” of the country, eating your dogs and cats, and coming for your daughter and your job.

Both are aimed at the same exhausted, squeezed, frightened American who’s living in a rightwing bubble, trapped by Fox “News” as his information source or constantly spoon-fed rightwing outrage via the secret algorithms driving billionaire-owned social media.

And as long as those Americans are glaring sideways at a “democratic socialist” or an immigrant, they aren’t looking at the American oligarchs who actually ran off with all their money.

Because somebody did run off with it. The RAND Corporation added up the damage and found that roughly 50 trillion dollars was quietly shifted from the bottom 90 percent of us to the top 1 percent between 1975 and 2018. Since then it’s up to around $80 trillion.

If wages had simply kept pace with what American workers produce, the typical worker today would be pulling in well over a hundred thousand dollars a year instead of around fifty, and the economic force driving racism and bigotry would be much weaker.

That money didn’t evaporate. It didn’t get taken by a busboy or a barista or a bricklayer. It was hauled off, in broad daylight, by the architects of forty-five years of Reaganism and neoliberalism, the ones who broke the unions, shipped the factories overseas, and turned healthcare and college loans into profit centers.

That’s who took my father’s single paycheck: not the woman picking our lettuce. Not the kid who just wants to see a doctor or get an education without going bankrupt.

The entire con depends on voters on the right never turning around and realizing they’re mourning the same identical loss that progressive Democrats are trying so hard to repair.

The instant working people stop asking “who’s the enemy who looks, prays, or loves differently than I do” and start asking “who took my dad’s paycheck,” the whole game is over.

That’s the one conversation the billionaires and their bought-off lickspittle politicians are truly terrified of.

So have it. Have it at the summer picnic with your MAGA brother-in-law and your progressive niece sitting side by side, and watch what happens when you skip the slogans and ask them both what kind of country they actually want to live in.

You’ll find (outside of the unrepentant and largely unreachable racists) that they want the very same America back, the one where an honest week’s work bought a decent life.

Then stop grieving it and start organizing to take it back, because it was never lost. As I lay out in Who Killed The American Dream?, it was stolen, and stolen things can be recovered.

The man behind Trump's personal revenge machine should not be confirmed

On Wednesday, Acting Attorney General Todd Blanche heads to the Senate Judiciary Committee for his confirmation hearing to become attorney general.

If the rule of law means anything, the Judiciary Committee should not send Blanche’s name to the Senate for confirmation. And under no circumstances should the Senate confirm Blanche as attorney general.

Blanche, who used to be Trump’s private lawyer, has treated the Justice Department as Trump’s private law firm. He still acts as though Trump — not the United States — is his client.

Consider what Blanche has done for Trump, rather than for the United States.

1. Illegally suppressed the Epstein files

Blanche has conceded that the Department of Justice violated the Epstein Files Transparency Act by making improper redactions in the public release of Jeffrey Epstein’s records but continues to drag his feet. Under Blanche, the department is currently battling lawsuits from journalists and demands from the state of New Mexico to unseal the unredacted documents.

U.S. District Judge Emmet Sullivan ordered the department to either unredact and release specific files — including emails, potential co-conspirators, and interview notes summarizing allegations against President Trump — or justify why they must remain withheld. But under Blanche’s direction, the department has repeatedly missed or delayed fulfilling orders to unredact the records completely, leading plaintiffs and transparency advocates to accuse Blanche of ongoing noncompliance.

Blanche also personally interviewed Epstein’s longtime associate, Ghislaine Maxwell, in prison, before Maxwell was transferred to a minimum-security facility. Minimum-security prisons are generally reserved for inmates with far shorter sentences than Maxwell’s 20 years. Did Blanche make a bargain with her? We don’t know.

2. Prosecuted Trump’s “enemies”

Blanche has assured White House officials that he will move faster and more efficiently against Trump’s targets, and at executing other White House priorities, than did his predecessor, Pam Bondi. Bondi was fired presumably because she didn’t deliver what Trump wanted quickly enough.

At Trump’s insistence, Blanche is moving ahead with investigations into several targets whom Trump regards as enemies — including John O. Brennan, the former CIA director who helped investigate Russian interference in Trump’s 2016 campaign.

Blanche is overseeing the Brennan inquiry, examining whether he lied to Congress in testimony in 2023, and relating to what Trump’s allies have cast as Brennan’s involvement in a “grand conspiracy” by Obama and Biden administration officials to keep Trump out of office each time he ran.

Blanche has also given the green light to inquiries into Cassidy Hutchinson, a young former White House aide who outraged Trump four years ago after she implicated him in the violence that erupted at the Capitol on January 6, 2021.

Under Blanche, prosecutors have also revived a botched attempt to bring charges against James B. Comey, the former FBI director, after a federal judge threw out charges last year that Comey had lied to Congress.

Blanche’s new indictment of Comey is for posting on social media an image of seashells he took while walking on a North Carolina beach. Blanche’s prosecutors are casting it as threatening because the image spelled “86 47” (the number “86” is slang for “getting rid of” someone or something, while “47” refers to Trump). Comey says that he quickly deleted the post as soon as he heard that the numbers were associated with violence.

There appears to be nothing Blanche won’t do that Trump wants done. Blanche is prosecuting the Democratic fundraising organization ActBlue. He’s prosecuting the Southern Poverty Law Center, a civil rights nonprofit in Alabama. In terms of turning the Department of Justice into the Department of Trump’s Grievances, Bondi was bad, but Blanche is far worse.

3. Sought to erase January 6, 2021

Blanche is also doing Trump’s bidding in seeking to erase from the public record the January 6, 2021, attack on the U.S. Capitol. Blanche delivered Trump’s pardons to those who were found guilty and sentenced to prison.

Under Blanche’s direction, the Department of Justice has even removed from its website news releases about the criminal cases related to what occurred on that fateful day, calling the information about the prosecutions “partisan propaganda.”

Blanche also signed off on a $1.8 billion fund that could have been funneled to those who stormed Congress as part of the so-called “settlement” agreement between Trump and, well, Trump, after Trump sued the Internal Revenue Service. After lawmakers from both parties criticized the deal, Blanche said, during a June 2 hearing before the House, “We are not moving forward with the fund, period.” But his flat refusal to put his reversal in writing is an indication that he could devise an alternative.

Meanwhile, Blanche has said there’s a “ton of evidence” the 2020 presidential election was rigged against Trump, though he couldn’t provide a “definitive answer” and has pointed to ongoing investigations in Georgia and Florida as possibly answering the question.

4. Tried to immunize Trump and his family

Blanche personally signed — and was the only name on — the “settlement” document that would immunize Trump and his family from all future prosecutions. The breadth of this agreement is staggering. It prohibits the U.S. government from looking into any of the corrupt s---Trump and his family have gotten into.

And there’s a lot of corrupt s---. Trump is easily the most corrupt president in American history. Since being in office for a second time, he’s so far increased his wealth by an estimated $4 billion, and his sons’ and daughters’ wealth by billions more.

If the immunity part of the “settlement” remains in force, we may never know the true extent of Trump’s corrupt transactions, because the agreement — devised and signed by Blanche — may result in the largest cover-up of presidential wrongdoing and illegality in American history.

5. Overseen the largest exodus of talent in the department’s history

Blanche’s tenure has seen the departure of a record number of Department of Justice attorneys, including the termination of personnel who previously worked on January 6 cases or on special counsel Jack Smith’s investigations.

The resignations and departures amount to over a quarter of what had been the department’s entire legal staff. For example, roughly 70 percent — 250 — of the Civil Rights Division’s attorneys have departed. Two-thirds (69 out of 110) of the lawyers tasked with defending executive actions have either resigned or announced their exit. Staffing of the Voting Section unit has fallen from 30 attorneys to just three. High-level resignations have also occurred in the Southern District of New York and the Public Integrity Section.

For all these reasons, Blanche should not be confirmed as attorney general of the United States.

Robert Reich is a professor of public policy at Berkeley and former secretary of labor. His writings can be found at https://robertreich.substack.com/.

Trump's 'half-hearted' and 'flimsy' new stunt perfectly sums up his huge decline

President Donald Trump has touted a new initiative to try and address a major economic pain point for midterm voters, but as a new piece from MS NOW argued, it is a "half-hearted" and "flimsy stunt" that perfectly encapsulates the collapse of his presidency.

Earlier this week, Trump took to Truth Social to tout "Freedom Fuel," a network of 25 gas stations in Pennsylvania and Southern New Jersey that would be "lowering the price at the pump to $3.47 for our 47th President." As reporter James Downie noted in a Sunday piece for MS NOW, the post and an accompanying video were meant to give viewers "the impression that the administration, whether through subsidy or takeover, was directly intervening to lower gas prices."

It remains unclear at this time who is actually behind the Freedom Fuel locations and how they are managing to lower prices at their pumps. The only information available about its incorporation, per materials from the Delaware Department of State, shows that it was set up on June 23, and nothing else. The situation also drew some criticism that Trump was engaging in precisely the sort of "communist" government intervention policies that he has recently been railing against Democrats for supposedly espousing.

"But whoever is behind Freedom Fuel, Trump’s praise is emblematic of his second year back in the White House: a half-hearted, poorly thought-out stunt," Downie wrote about the whole affair. "Trump is apparently hoping for copycats. For days, he has complained that gas prices are not as low as they were before he recklessly started a war with Iran. Now he is lobbying for other retailers to do what Freedom Fuel has done. 'This Retailer is taking the lead,'” he wrote in that social media post praising the mystery retailer. 'And others should follow.'”

He continued: "Trump, in other words, is asking for volunteers to ease the economic pain that his own policies have caused. Such presidential requests have a checkered history. Herbert Hoover, the president with whom Trump most fears comparisons, declared more than a year into the Great Depression that the 'local communities through their voluntary agencies have assumed the duty of relieving individual distress and are being generously supported by the public.' He said, 'The result of magnificent cooperation throughout the country has been that actual suffering has been kept to a minimum during the past 12 months.' The suffering was in fact far from minimal, and the economy would find salvation not in private enterprise or individual fortitude, but in government spending and relief."

Downie called Trump's Freedom Fuel post a "particularly poor attempt" at his usual tactic of trying to "claim credit" whenever a company lowers prices. The attempt also "reminds drivers how much prices have jumped since Trump launched the Iran war," as $3.47 is still around $0.50 above what the national average was for gas prices before Trump's Iran war.

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