Prairie Dog Magazine

My Big Fat Muslim Movie

There's no shortage of comically inclined filmmakers for whom ethnicity plays a major role in their creativity. A recent successful example is Nia Vardalos of "My Big Fat Greek Wedding" fame (and interestingly, another Canadian from the prairies.) But Zarqa Nawaz, a Muslim, thinks she can break new ground. Through her production company FUNdamentalist Films (motto: putting the fun back in fundamentalism), she's already made two short comedies -- "BBQ Muslims" and "Death Threat," both of which counter North American apprehension over all things Islamic with wit and warmth. Nawaz is currently seeking financing for her first feature, "Real Terrorists Don't Bellydance."

Best of Both Worlds

Born in England to Pakistani parents in 1967, Nawaz moved with her family to Toronto in the mid-70s. "Canada was looking for educated immigrants, and my father was an engineer. Plus with all the rain my mother's health was poor. So the Canadian climate looked good," says Nawaz. Nawaz grew up in Toronto, then married a Regina man.

While Regina's Muslim community, which numbers between 150-200 families, is much smaller than Toronto's, Nawaz, who has four children, feels comfortable there. "The community's not as insular. My two oldest kids are in French immersion, and they go to the mosque after school. So they're fully integrated in both their worlds."

"For Muslims who immigrate there's a fear that their children will lose their faith," says Nawaz. "But because my husband and I are second-generation raising third-generation, we've been through that and know it's not true. There's a danger of losing the language, because neither of us speaks our native language. But that's not the priority. To have a rich spiritual life is far more important than being able to cook a good pot of curry. Given the way the political world is changing, Muslims are going to be viewed with a greater degree of suspicion. I want my kids to have the necessary social skills to handle that. I want them to have a good understanding of their faith, but to have their loyalty to Canada, where they belong."

Nawaz's first taste of this paranoid mindset came with the Oklahoma federal building bombing in 1996. Muslim terrorists were initially blamed for Timothy McVeigh's crime. "BBQ Muslims," in which two hapless Muslim brothers are suspected of being terrorists after their gas barbecue explodes, was Nawaz's response.

The fallout from 9/11 has been much greater. Following the tragedy, Nawaz did a daily diary for CBC in which she articulated her apprehension at how Muslims across North America would be impacted. Because she wears a headscarf, she was worried about being targeted for abuse. Fortunately, while scattered attacks against individual Muslims and mosques were reported, her experience was generally positive. Complete strangers approached to say that they didn't regard all Muslims in the same light as the terrorists. She was also invited to speak at a number of schools.

Today, between the war on terrorism and a second war with Iraq looming, Nawaz feels things are increasingly tense. Not helping matters was a December demand that male Muslim immigrants register with the U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service and be fingerprinted. While the program will eventually be extended to all immigrants, critics charge that signaling Muslims out reinforced in the public mind that every Muslim was a potential terrorist.

"As a community, we're realizing that rather than sit back and complain about our representation, we have to be proactive in creating our own image. Become filmmakers, become journalists, own our own newspapers, participate in society," Nawaz says.

While some commentators, drawing on a long history of conflict between the West and Islam that dates back to the Crusades, have suggested we're embroiled in a "clash of civilizations," Nawaz feels the conflict is driven more by economics than ideology -- in short, it's about oil. She has no problem describing Saddam Hussein as a war criminal, though. "Yet how do you get rid of him without causing an enormous humanitarian disaster?" asks Nawaz. "I don't feel the Americans should be the ones to do it, because they have their own agenda."

The Movie Is the Message

It's through her films that Nawaz feels she has the most power to counter negative stereotypes about Muslims. "I think people are surprised that someone would make a comedy [about such serious issues]. But that's what I like doing. Instead of hitting people over the head with something."

Her second film, "Death Threat," involved a Muslim woman author who, in an attempt to attract a publisher for her schlocky pulp-style novel, tries to "pull a Salmon Rushdie on purpose" by outraging Muslim clerics so that they'll issue a fatwa against her. Hilarity ensues when the Muslim community desperately tries to accommodate the author's increasingly erratic behaviour.

Her current project, "Real Terrorists Don't Bellydance," concerns a struggling actor named Amir who's engaged to a high-powered public relations consultant. With his finances dwindling (his most recent job was as a belly-dancing mango at a fruit juicer's convention) he agrees to take a role in a movie being financed by a group of dentists without reading the script. Too late he discovers that he's to play a terrorist/bank robber. Meanwhile, a Muslim organization has hired his fiancée to shame investors into withdrawing their support because of the film's negative portrayal of Muslims.

"It was inspired by movies like 'True Lies' and 'Executive Decision'," says Nawaz. "I feel like I've created a new genre of film," Nawaz says, describing the cross between a terrorist flick and a comedy. "I call it a 'terrordy.'"

Nawaz feels there's a market for her terrordy. "Since 9/11 the level of interest in the Muslim community has skyrocketed. Even in the U.S., where there's a very high level of fear. I got a frantic call right after 9/11 from a U.S. distributor saying we have to represent you because there's no one else making films about these issues. And when I got my royalty check, there were all these U.S. colleges that were incorporating (the films) into their religious studies courses."

"I'm not making films that are overtly political," she insists. "My priority is to make a very funny, entertaining film that will get a broad audience like 'My Big Fat Greek Wedding.' That film did well not because it crossed religious boundaries. It did well because there are very few well-written, smart, funny romantic comedies out there. What I've done is take a traditional theme, why we marry the people we marry, and [give it a Muslim twist]."

If funding isn't forthcoming, Nawaz plans to go to the Sundance Festival and the Canadian Film Centre (Toronto) to network. "I'm hoping there'll be a courageous producer who's willing to take a chance on a film like this, and that it'll be a crossover hit. My goal's to make it in Regina, and to do better than Porky's [the highest grossing Canadian film of all time]!"

Opening The Books On Canadian Arms Sales







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How Much Is That War In The Window?

Human war death toll since WWII = 28 million
Cost to rebuild the Balkans = $20-30 billion
World military spending = $800 billion/year
Average portion of government budgets = +10 per cent
Average national spending in developing countries = Health 1% of GNP, Education 3%, Military 4%
Amount spent annually by poor countries on weapons imports = $25 billion
Biggest beneficiaries of sales = France and the US
Number of Afghanis now unable to feed themselves = 5.5 million
Amount needed to meet the UN's goals to adequately feed, educate and provide safe water to the world's children = $30-40 billion, or 5% of the world's military expenditures

Source: United Nations statistics

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Anything can start a war. But to keep it going, you need weapons. The flow of warplanes, landmines, guns and other military equipment from western democracies to the world's conflict zones has long been a dirty little not-so-secret in international development circles, and critics point to the United States' relentless war-profiteering as one of that country's more appalling international transgressions. But the United States isn't the only developed nation turning a profit on third world carnage -- involvement in the arms trade is the rule rather than the exception for the world's industrialized countries. So how does Canada rate as a purveyor of arms?

"Small potatoes," according to Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade (DFAIT) spokesperson Oussamah Tamim. "Significant -- about seventh in the world," counters Ken Epps of Project Ploughshares, a Canadian peace organization based in Waterloo.

Who's right? Always a murky business, the global arms trade is lately falling under increased public scrutiny. But Epps has discovered the "transparency" is dealt out in layers. Peel one sheet back, there's another underneath. First layer: the United Nations Register of Conventional Arms notes that Canada sold four armoured vehicles to Saudi Arabia and eight surplus howitzers to Brazil in 2000.

In other words, small potatoes.

But only seven major weapons classes, such as tanks and naval vessels, are reported to the UN. "Most of what Canada exports -- components, subsystems, transport helicopters, small arms -- don't fall into the reported categories," Epps said in a recent interview.

On to the next layer.

The Export of Military Goods in Canada annual report will be tabled in Parliament at the end of January, Ottawa spokesperson Tamim said. It lists military export permits for many items not reported to the United Nations.

While the UN Register shows 26 military vehicles were sold in 1999 -- and one warship was donated to the Artificial Reef Society -- the DFAIT report adds to the list: $50,000 worth of aircraft parts shipped to Indonesia, $27,000 in small arms to Argentina, $4.9 million worth of rockets to Malaysia, $270,976 in simulator parts to Morocco, $21,400 worth of missile parts to Egypt, eventually reaching a total of $434 million in sales to 50 countries.

Nearer to the actual tally, says Epps -- but not there yet.

"They don't count sales to the US, which add up to more than all the other countries combined. It's a huge gap in the information."

Free trade arrangements protect the US from those annoying, paper-trailing Canadian export permits. As long as permits aren't required, it's "not possible" to track exports to the US, explains Tamim. Canada reports more than most countries do and sets an admirable example for the world, he adds.

Taking up the "not possible" challenge, Epps combs through industry newsletters, news reports and records of the Canadian Commercial Corporation. Ironically, US records are often the best source of information about Canadian military exports. "The US has a far more open process for reviewing exports," Epps says.

The State Department must testify before Congress while Canada quietly tables the information every year with no fanfare and little debate. There's no committee of oversight and export permit hearings are closed.

The DFAIT report will likely list about $400-500 million in sales. Yet single Canadian companies alone reached this mark in 2000, according to Ploughshares data. General Motors of Canada sold $794 million worth of military goods, Bombardier $481 million, CAE Inc. $410 million.

The Ploughshares tally for 2000 is $1.6 billion, quadruple the last reported government tally. And that's just a partial sum. Many companies don't report contract values. Some sales remain silent because components -- especially aircraft parts -- are classed civilian even if they're to be re-fitted for military use.

Another Cog In The Wheel Of War?

Monitoring where exports end up is an equally tough job.

"When we ship a component to the US, the US decides where the finished products are exported. Canada has no control," Epps says.

"Legally it's theirs to do with what they want," agrees Tamim. "They don't need our permission."

That's how 40 Canadian CH-135 Huey II Helicopters ended up being re-fitted with machine guns capable of firing 50 rounds a second, then handed off to the First Counter-Narcotics Division of the Colombian Army.

"We have sufficient concern that they will be used in human rights abuses," says Epps.

In addition to their record of dropping cluster bombs over hamlets and then firing on fleeing civilians, the First Division works with paramilitary forces known for beheadings, torture and massacres. No distinction is made between narcotics traders and political insurgents in a country where more than 35,000 people have succumbed to political violence in the past decade. The helicopters were an exception, DFAIT's Tamim claims, stating that Canada is "reasonably comfortable" that exports don't meet nefarious ends. Export controls prevent this sort of thing, he explains. The countries Canada deals with, including the US, have comparable controls.

Indeed, the Export and Imports Permits Act prohibits sales to countries where hostilities are "imminent." Yet eight countries on Canada's 1999 sales list were red-flagged by the UN as being on war footing.

The Act also bans sales to governments with a poor human rights records. Yet sales to Indonesia occurred while violent oppression was being carried out in East Timor, and to Malaysia in 1999, when journalists and opposition figures were being rounded up on charges of sedition.

Given our own record, it may be naïve to assume the countries we sell to are more careful.

In fact, it would be surprising if components didn't find their way to theatres more volatile than say, Denmark or France. Seventy per cent of the world's weapons are bought by developing nations -- countries which are often mired in conflicts exacerbated by the policies of weapons-producing industrialized countries.

It's a matter of growing concern to development agencies.

"Militarization is one of the major obstacles to development in much of the world," says Lori Latta, Saskatchewan Council for International Cooperation (SCIC) coordinator. SCIC wants Canada to play a stronger role in ending the weapons trade, rather than exporting weapons and rushing to join US military actions.

"Canada has already shown great leadership in developing the 1999 Land Mines Convention. We should expand on this role." Controls and peace-building create space for people to improve their lives, Latta says.

"People can take care of their own social, political and economic development. But they can't do it when they're surrounded by tanks and landmines."

Patricia Elliott is a freelancer based in Regina, Canada, and author of The White Umbrella, which explores the tumultuous 20th century history of Burma.
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