Joel Bleifuss

Will the Toxic Sludge Industry Be Held Accountable for Human Health Risks?

Nancy Holt, a retired nurse from Mebane, N.C., is beset by mysterious neurological problems. She blames the cause of her illness on the multiple unknown toxicities of the sewage sludge that has been spread since 1991 on the fields across from her house as "fertilizer."

And Holt says she isn't alone. People in her neighborhood have a high incidence of cancer and thyroid problems. Local creeks are no longer safe for kids to play in -- the danger of staph infection is too great.

In 2001, Holt began chronicling the health problems in her area of rural Alamance County -- 12 miles north of Chapel Hill. Soon she was tracking reports of sludge-related illnesses and deaths across the country.

"I put together the symptoms, the illnesses, the high cancer rates, the thyroid disorders in this community," she says. "It is non-scientific, of course."

"And we have precocious puberty, little girls developing breasts at 5 or 6 years old, little boys developing armpit hair. And that is something that people don't want to talk about," Holt says. "They will talk about their thyroid glands, their cancers, but they will not talk about early puberty. We are on a true toxic tilt."

For the first time since she became involved in the sludge issue, Holt is guardedly hopeful that her concerns will finally be addressed, and that the sulphurous alliance between the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), municipal sewer authorities and Synagro Technologies (the nation's largest sludge disposal firm, which was recently bought by the Carlyle Group) -- will be exposed for the blight it is.

In April, Sen. Barbara Boxer (D-Calif.), chair of the Environment and Public Works Committee, announced that her committee will hold hearings on the issue this summer. The catalyst is a confluence of recent news reports about sludge-related scandals.

In the Potomac River, 60 miles upstream from Washington, D.C., scientists have discovered many small-mouth male bass with eggs inside their sex organs. The cause of these "intersexed" fish is almost certainly endocrine disruptors -- also known as estrogen mimickers -- in the water, chemical pollutants that disrupt an animal's natural hormonal system.

In February, the Washington Post reported that the concentration of intersexed fish is greatest near towns or near heavily farmed land. One major source of these endocrine disruptors is thought to be the post-treatment "cleaned" water from municipal sewage treatment centers that is discharged directly into the Potomac River system and runoff from fields "fertilized" with sludge.

In 2006, U.S. Geological Survey scientists surveyed chemical contaminants found in sludge "destined for land application" and concluded, "Potential concerns about the environmental presence of OWCs [Organic Wastewater Contaminants] include adverse physiological effects, increased rates of cancer, and reproductive impairment in humans and other animals, as well as antibiotic resistance among pathogenic bacteria."

In 2004 when the intersexed fish were first discovered in the Potomac, Gina Solomon, a scientist at the Natural Resources Defense Council (NRDC) told the Associated Press, "It is not good news that there's something that feminizes fish in your water." Particularly when the Potomac is the source of drinking water for Washington, D.C.

Egg-bearing male fish had first been found in 2003 in the South Branch, a Potomac tributary in Hardy County, W.V., from which some locals get their water. A 2004 survey found that women in Hardy County have higher-than-normal rates of cancer of the ovaries and uterus.

This news of male fish bearing eggs was followed with an April report by the Associated Press that in 2000, nine Baltimore families -- all black residents of the city's east side -- received food coupons in exchange for permission to allow researchers to spread "Class A" Baltimore sewage sludge (brand name, Orgro High Organic Compost) on their yards, till it into the soil and then plant grass seed.

The rationale for this experiment was to find out whether municipal sewage sludge could lower the amount of lead that children who played in the nine experimental yards would absorb. Veolia Water, the corporation that markets Baltimore municipal sludge as Orgro, claims its "beneficial biosolids" are so safe they are even used on the White House lawn.

"Beneficial biosolids" is the term that Powell Tate, a D.C.-based public relations firm, invented in the early '90s, in an attempt to linguistically detoxify the 7 million tons of sludge -- industrial waste, hospital waste, pharmaceuticals in addition to feces -- that the nation's 16,000 municipal sewer systems produce each year.

At the time, the EPA, working hand in hand with the Water Environment Federation and the corporate waste disposal industry, reclassified sewage sludge from a toxic waste to a fertilizer. As a USDA approved fertilizer, sludge was thus exempt from environmental regulations.

Today, waste disposal firms spread more than half of the 7 million tons of organic and inorganic toxins on American farms as "fertilizer."

Andy McElmurray, a farmer in Hephzibah, Ga., fed his dairy cows silage that had been fertilized with sewage sludge laced with heavy metals. More than 300 of them died.

In February, a federal judge ordered the Department of Agriculture to compensate McElmurray for losses incurred when his land was poisoned between 1979 and 1990 by applications of Augusta, Ga., sewage sludge. That sludge contained levels of arsenic that were two times higher than EPA standards allow; of thallium (a heavy metal used as rat poison) that were 25 times higher; and of PCBs that were 2,500 times higher.

What's more, milk from his neighbor's dairy farm was sent to market with thallium levels 120 times higher than those allowed by the EPA in public drinking water.

In his ruling, U.S. District Judge Anthony Alaimo was particularly critical of the EPA and the University of Georgia for having endorsed "unreliable, incomplete and, in some cases, fudged" data about the Augusta sludge. That corrupt data was presented to the National Academy of Sciences, which then cited it in their July 2002 assertion that sewage sludge does not pose a risk to public health.

Alaimo wrote, "Senior EPA officials took extraordinary steps to quash scientific dissent, and any questioning of EPA's biosolids program."

For example, in May 2003, the EPA fired David Lewis, one of the nation's leading sludge researchers, for publicly criticizing the agency's pro-sludge policy. In February 2004, at a hearing of the U.S. House Mineral and Resources subcommittee, Lewis testified:

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Corporate Media Censors MoveOn

Perhaps you have thought, "If the voters knew how venal a GOP member of Congress was, they could never get re-elected."

MoveOn is testing that proposition with a public service ad campaign that targets four Republican candidates whose votes in Congress have put special interest profits before the public good.

"Caught red-handed" is the moniker for a series of MoveOn TV ads that expose the lawmakers' fealty to the corporations that fund their campaigns. MoveOn PAC Director Eli Pariser puts it this way: "The most visible and insidious form of corruption is the form that is also legal, and that is the money politicians take from big companies and the votes that they give in return to help those companies out."

Take, for example, Rep. Deborah Pryce, the fourth ranking GOP leader in the House. She represents suburban Columbus, Ohio, and was on the receiving end of this ad:

Announcer: Congresswoman Deborah Pryce--she accepted more than $100,000 from energy companies and she voted against bills that would have penalized those companies for price gouging. (On Screen: a series of black-and-white photographs of Rep. Pryce.)

Announcer: Instead of protecting us, Congresswoman Pryce has been caught red-handed, protecting oil company profits while we pay more at the pump. (On Screen: a close-up of Rep. Pryce's hand in one of the photos as an invisible brush paints her hand red.)

Announcer: Tom DeLay, Dick Cheney, Jack Abramoff. And now Deborah Pryce. Another Republican caught red-handed. (On Screen: Pictures of DeLay, Cheney and Abramoff flash across the screen, all with red-stained hands.)

To help the Democrats pick up 15 seats and gain control of the House, MoveOn PAC decided to concentrate not on the hotly contested races but on second-tier races where Republican incumbents had a good, but not insurmountable, lead in the polls. Besides Rep. Pryce, MoveOn has set its sights on Rep. Nancy L. Johnson (R-Conn.), Rep. Thelma Drake (R-Va.), and Rep. Chris Chocola (R-Ind.).

Each has been confronted with three waves of ads. The first, which aired in early April, focused on the votes that protected energy corporations from price gouging, as mentioned above. The second ad concentrates on votes by the four that prohibited the federal government from negotiating lower prices with the drug companies.

The ad aimed at Rep. Johnson shows a grandmotherly figure empty a pill bottle into her hand as the voiceover says, "Seniors relied on her. Yet Congresswoman Johnson accepted $400,000 from big drug companies and got caught red-handed voting for a law that actually prevents Medicare from negotiating lower drug prices for our seniors."

The third takes the representatives to task for votes against a bill that would have instituted criminal penalties against war profiteers like Halliburton. As a fist-full of money changes hands, a voice over reads: "Congresswoman Thelma Drake accepted $25,000 from defense contractor PACs. Then she opposed penalties for defense contractors like Halliburton who overcharged the military in Iraq at a time when soldiers didn't have enough body armor."

Indeed, in March, Drake voted against a Democratic bill that would have blocked firms that had been found to overcharge the government by $100 million or more from receiving any further contracts. The targeted Congress members are crying foul. In Indiana, Rep. Chocola expressed his anger that the ads have implicated him in voting in the interests of big oil, which contributed $80,000 to his campaigns, and the pharmaceutical industry, which has contributed $48,500. He denounced MoveOn as "a radical group that does not share the views or values of the people of the 2nd district."

In Connecticut, Rep. Johnson hit back with an ad attacking MoveOn: "A radical group whose ads have been called 'shameful' and misleading' is at it again. ... this group compared America's leaders to Nazis." That Nazi comment refers to one of 15,000 ads submitted in 2004 to the MoveOn.org Web site as part of a contest. The ad was subsequently taken down by MoveOn.

Rushing to the defense of the GOP incumbents, the Republican National Committee went on the offensive on June 9, apparently supplying the Pryce, Drake and Chocola campaigns with text for a letter that the campaigns could send to stations that ran MoveOn's ads. The letter Drake for Congress sent stations read in part:

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Framing Michael Moore

What do Bill Clinton, John Kerry and Michael Moore have in common? They have all fallen victim to Michael Isikoff's poison pen.

In the June 28 Newsweek, Isikoff dismissed Fahrenheit 9/11 as "a mélange of investigative journalism, partisan commentary and conspiracy theories." He goes on to dispute three of what he calls "Moore's most provocative allegations," thereby leading the unsuspecting reader to wonder what else Moore has fabricated. More on that later. First some history about Isikoff's own "mélange of investigative journalism, partisan commentary and conspiracy theories."

In April 1989, John Kerry's Foreign Relations Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics and International Operations released an exhaustive report that concluded that the Contras were involved in drug trafficking and that Reagan administration officials were aware of that involvement.

In an April 14, 1989, Washington Post article, Isikoff trivialized the report's findings and asserted that claims of drug trafficking by high-level contras "could not be substantiated." Subsequently Newsweek's "Conventional Wisdom Watch" dubbed Kerry "a randy conspiracy buff."

The Post had nothing more to say on the subject until the fall of 1991, when Gen. Manuel Noriega went to trial on drug-trafficking charges in Miami. Isikoff then wrote: "Allegations that the federal government worked with known drug dealers to arm the contras have been raised for years, but congressional investigations in the late 1980s found little evidence to back charges that it was an organized activity approved by high-level U.S. officials."

That assertion was soon contradicted by the U.S. government's own witnesses against Noriega. In October 1991, Floyd Carlton Caceres testified that his smuggling operation flew U.S. guns to the contras in Nicaragua and brought cocaine into the United States on the return flight. However, federal Judge William Hoeveler, sustaining all objections from U.S. prosecutors, refused to allow Noriega's defense lawyer to press Caceres further on the subject. At one point, Hoeveler snapped, "Just stay away from it."

And in November 1991, convicted Colombian drug lord and government witness Carlos Lehder told the court that an unnamed U.S. official offered to allow him to smuggle cocaine into the United States in exchange for use of a Bahamian island that he owned as part of the contra supply route. Lehder went on to testify that the Colombian cartel had donated about $ 10 million to the contras.

At this point, the Post finally took notice. "The Kerry hearings didn't get the attention they deserved at the time," its editorial concluded. "The Noriega trial brings this sordid aspect of the Nicaraguan engagement to fresh public attention." The Post editorial writer, might have added, "Indeed, our own reporter Michael Isikoff let us down."

Isikoff did a number on Bill and Hilary Clinton promoting the Whitewater Scandal. In a series of Post stories in late 1993 and early 1994, Isikoff, citing unnamed sources, offered ominous-sounding revelations about bureaucratic maneuvers ("Justice Department officials are moving forward with two separate inquiries that have been expanded") and unsubstantiated speculation from more unnamed sources ("Bill and Hillary Clinton 'could possibly have benefited from the alleged scheme.' " )The press followed suit, and a publicly funded $52 million investigation turned up nothing.

In the '90s, Isikoff was also one of Washington's leading smutrakers. He had been hot in search of a smoking presidential penis since 1994, when he was suspended from the Post after a dispute with his editors concerning his over-zealous flogging of Paula Jones' dubious claims against President Clinton.

But in 1998, employed at Newsweek, he hit the mother lode, with a little help from GOP operative Linda Tripp. That year he got the chance to write seven stories for Newsweek that mentioned President Clinton's semen.

"Fornigate" got its start on January 17, 1998, when scandal-monger Matt Drudge reported the following news item on The Drudge Report, his online 'zine: "At the last minute, at 6 p.m. on Saturday evening, Newsweek magazine killed a story [by reporter Michael Isikoff] that was destined to shake official Washington to its foundation: A White House intern carried on a sexual affair with the President of the United States!" On the following morning, another right-wing editor, William Kristol of the Weekly Standard, brought up the matter on ABC's This Week With Sam and Cokie. On Wednesday, newspapers reported the rumors. Talk of impeachment was in the air.

Now Isikoff has turned his sights on Moore, lying in Newsweek and on a subsequent appearance on Fox's "The O'Reilly Factor" to make the case that Moore is not to be believed.

Isikoff contends that, contrary to the facts presented in Fahrenheit 9/11, the six charted airplane flights that flew the Saudis out of the United States "didn't begin until September 14, after airspace reopened." The movie says this:

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