Speaking at a January 6 retreat for House Republicans, Trump stated, “You gotta win the midterms ‘cause, if we don’t win the midterms, it’s just gonna be — I mean, they’ll find a reason to impeach me. I’ll get impeached.”

This was before Trump’s agents murdered Renee Good and Alex Pretti in Minneapolis, before the Justice Department released more Epstein files, before Trump’s disastrous war in Iran, before Trump threatened death to the entire Iranian civilization, before a gallon of gas hit $4 or more, before other prices also began rising because of the blockage of the Strait of Hormuz, and before additional price hikes associated with Trump’s tariffs had kicked in.

It was also before Trump’s polls slid to record lows, before the MAGA faithful began complaining that Trump had betrayed his promise to avoid foreign entanglements, and before a slew of special elections in which Democratic candidates have won Republican districts (and even when they didn’t win, lost by far smaller margins than Trump won by in 2024).

Until recently I thought impeaching Trump and convicting him in the Senate was a pipe dream. I was concerned that even talk of impeachment at this stage might distract attention from the affordability crisis brought on by Trump and could even fortify Republican charges of Democratic “extremism.”

No longer.

The president of the United States is stark-raving mad. He’s a clear and present danger to America and the world. The American public is beginning to see it.

We’ve got to do whatever we legally can to remove him from office. The 25th Amendment would be useful if Trump’s Cabinet and key advisers had any integrity, but they don’t. They’re ambitious, unprincipled traitors.

Which leaves impeachment.

You may be skeptical. After all, he’s already been impeached twice, to no avail. How can the third time be the charm?

Because it seems likely that Democrats will retake control of the House and the Senate in this fall’s midterm elections (unless Trump prevents free and fair elections).

And because it’s also possible that there will be enough votes in the Senate starting next January to convict Trump of impeachable offenses and send him packing.

I understand how difficult this may seem. Both times Trump was impeached in the House, he was saved by the Constitution’s requirement that two-thirds of the Senate (67 senators, assuming all 100 are present) convict in order to remove a president.

The highest Senate vote count against Trump came in 2021, and it was 10 votes short of the constitutional requirement. Fifty-seven senators, including seven Republicans, voted to convict him of inciting an insurrection at the U.S. Capitol. It was the most bipartisan impeachment vote in U.S. Senate history, but it still fell well short of the 67 votes needed to convict Trump.

So why do I think it’s possible now? Because public sentiment has swung further against Trump now than it was in 2021. And it’s likely to swing even further against him, because he’s going out of his mind at a rapid rate.

The way to accomplish this is to defeat enough incumbent Republican senators who are up for reelection in 2026 to create a Democratic majority in that chamber, totaling some 54 votes, and pressure at least 13 Republicans up for reelection in 2028 to vote to convict him.

That’s not impossible. In the upcoming midterms it’s likely that Maine Republican Senator Susan Collins will be replaced by a Democrat (either Janet Mills or Graham Platner). I also assume that former North Carolina Governor Roy Cooper will replace Republican Senator Thom Tillis, who’s retiring.

And I’d like to believe that the good people of Ohio will see the light and reelect Sherrod Brown over Jon Husted, the dullard who was appointed to fill the remainder of JD Vance’s term.

James Talarico could take the Texas Republican Senate seat now occupied by John Cornyn. In Alaska, I’d put odds on Mary Peltola defeating incumbent Republican Senator Dan Sullivan. In Nebraska, assume that Dan Osborn prevails over incumbent Republican Senator Pete Ricketts. And so on.

Republican senators last elected in 2022 who will be on the ballot in November 2028 include some who are vulnerable because they’re in swing states, such as North Carolina’s Ted Budd and Wisconsin’s Ron Johnson; or are in states that could be competitive, such as Indiana’s Todd Young; or are vulnerable to internal party shifts, such as Louisiana’s John Kennedy and South Carolina’s Tim Scott.

Those vulnerabilities mean that their constituents could push them to vote to convict Trump in an impeachment, or else threaten to vote against them in 2028.

So it’s possible to get the 67 Senate votes, my friends. And it’s absolutely necessary that we try.

The vast No Kings demonstrations should be considered a prelude to targeting enough Republican Senate incumbents and open races to flip the Senate this fall, and pressuring Republicans up for reelection in 2028 to do their constitutional duty.

Now is the time to show the size and intensity of America’s commitment to removing Trump from office, for the good of us all.

Ronald Reagan’s former asst. attorney general tells The American Conservative that it’s time for President Donald Trump to go before his damage to the nation becomes permanent.

“Trump has said and done appalling things no other president has dared — not even close,” said attorney Bruce Fein, pointing out that Rep. John Larson (D-Conn.) has introduced 13 articles of impeachment against President Donald Trump through House Resolution 1155, “to save the nation from a worse tyranny than provoked July 4, 1776.”

Fein ticked down a long list of reasons to jettison Trump, including exploiting the powers of office “for billions of dollars in personal or family enrichment indistinguishable from bribery or extortion,” and “commercializ[ing] his pardon power as if he were a Sotheby auctioneer selling a Hieronymus Bosch painting.”

He also razed Trump for “militariz[ing] domestic law enforcement by concocting national emergencies divorced from reality in Washington, DC, Los Angeles, Chicago, and Minneapolis to deploy the National Guard,” and for “retaliat[ing] against universities, lawyers, journalists, and lawfully present aliens for refusing to join Trump’s claque.”

Not to mention, said Fein, Trump “threaten[ing] the death of the 6,000-year-old Iranian civilization,” and murdering “nearly 200 alleged drug traffickers in the Caribbean and eastern Pacific without even providing evidence of their crimes to the public.”

“Congress should not idle like Nero while the Constitution is in flames,” said Fein. “… Trump must be impeached and removed from office immediately before it is too late. He is a dictator, pure and simple, who may well seek to disrupt the 2026 congressional elections by illegally invoking the Insurrection Act to dispatch the military to seize voting machines and occupy voting places.”

Fein added that Trump orchestrated the January 6, 2021 attack on the Capitol “to prevent Vice President Mike Pence from counting state-certified electoral votes,” and this shows “Trump will move heaven and earth to remain in power.”

“Our constitutional dispensation glorifying the rule of law and liberty may be destined to pass away. But it is the duty of Congress to be the last, not the first to surrender,” said Fein.

Though it may be a difficult and time-consuming process, a Democratic lawmaker warned his colleagues and other enemies of President Donald Trump against the "terrible idea" of abandoning threats to impeach him for his conduct, stressing that the opposition must retain every constitutional tool that it has.

Democratic Rep. Jamie Raskin sat for an interview in Slate with lawyer and vocal Trump critic Dahlia Lithwick, where they discussed the various methods available to opponents of the president for reining in his rogue administration. The two biggest options pushed for so far have been impeachment and removal via the 25th Amendment, with Raskin conceding that both are difficult processes, though one is likely impossible under the current circumstances.

"We just don’t have the tools to address this in real time, the way we all experience the crisis," Raskin explained. "Impeachment is a remedy if and when it works, and that takes months to put into play, right? So traditionally, it’s gone through the Judiciary Committee, it’s gone to the House floor. Then there’s time for the Senate to set its calendar, and then the Senate, assuming there’s been an impeachment in the House, conducts a trial."

Raskin also noted that Trump's second impeachment trial in the Senate was the most bipartisan in history, with 57-to-43 voting in favor of convicting and removing him from office, but it still was not enough to meet the two-thirds requirement, rendering impeachment overall a "tall order." It is still, however, a more attainable goal than the 25th Amendment, given that it would require the willing participation of Vice President JD Vance.

"It still requires the action of the vice president, so that in this context, that means that J.D. Vance is a necessary partner in any action to determine that there’s an inability of the president to conduct the duties of office," Raskin continued. "During this crisis, he was over in Hungary campaigning for Viktor Orbán’s reelection, and didn’t show much interest in what was going on back here, and he has been morally invertebrate since he’s been vice president."

Raskin voiced support for setting up a "body" made up of a majority of members of Congress that can make the same 25th Amendment determination as the Vice President about the president's fitness for office.

He ultimately concluded that "plan C has was always plan A," referring to the ultimate check on Trump's power: voters sending Republicans packing in the next election, but he ultimately stressed that the Democrats must keep all options available to them on the table, no matter how tenuous.

"I certainly believe that impeachment and the 25th Amendment cannot be a fetish for us, because neither of them, as we’ve seen, is a panacea for what ails us," Raskin said. "On the other hand, they should be no kind of constitutional, or political, taboo. They are part of the tool kit that exists, and we’ve got to think of them in terms of our strategy and tactics going forward. And we would never take anything off of the table."

America may not make it over the next 33 months if “Mad King Donald” Trump is not impeached, argues conservative columnist Bill Kristol, who is also calling for resistance from executive branch officials.

“The simple fact is that we have a president who is irresponsible, reckless, and indeed unhinged,” Kristol writes at The Bulwark. “And he’s all the more dangerous because he is unconstrained by both his subordinates in the executive branch or by Congress.”

Acknowledging that Trump was impeached twice before but never convicted, Kristol knows that impeachment and conviction may not be “in the cards” right now, while suggesting that perhaps the third time is the charm.

“The misconduct of Trump, in terms of his corruption and that of his associates, is unparalleled in our history. His abuses of power leave Nixon in the dust. A trial of impeachment would allow all the evidence of his offenses to be presented coherently in one time and place. Even if conviction doesn’t follow, an unequivocal alarm would have been sounded.”

He argues America must start laying the groundwork for impeachment, saying it’s time to discuss both impeachment and resistance by executive branch officials seriously.

“When the head of the executive branch shows a repeated willingness to enrich himself, to lie to the public, to break the law, senior officials can appropriately recall that the oath they take is to support and defend the Constitution of the United States. They can remind themselves that they are obliged to obey the law rather than the illegal wishes of their boss or their boss’s boss.”

They can slow-walk issues or actions, he suggests, and “make life more difficult for their political masters who are seeking to engage in misconduct or abuses of power.”

He also calls for officials who resist to force their superiors to “fire them for standing up against impropriety,” and then, “speak up about what they have seen inside.”

And he says it is “sober realism” to doubt that “we can make it safely through the next thirty-three months” without considering these measures.

After the unprovoked bombing of Iran over the weekend by the United States—strikes that included the unlawful assassination of Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Hosseini Khamenei—the call for US President Donald Trump to be impeached and removed from office has grown as the straightest path to hold the US leader to account for the attacks which policy and human rights experts have condemned as a serious war crime.

With a regional war in the Middle East that was already boiling from Gaza to Lebanon and from Syria to Yemen now exploding in the wake of the US-Israeli attacks on Iran, Globe and Mail columnist Debra Thompson on Sunday called Trump “the most dangerous man on the planet.”

“Rather than ending wars,” Thompson notes, “Trump has initiated military action eight times, carrying out attacks in seven countries (Syria, Iraq, Iran, Nigeria, Yemen, Somalia, and Venezuela) in 2025.” Such a pattern of violence and warmongering should make clear that failure to restrain Trump has only emboldened him.

“The recurring danger in this latest presidential aggression is that there are no guardrails, no constraints, and no post-hoc justification,” writes Thomson, “other than that Mr. Trump is the President of the United States and can do whatever he wants.”

But American presidents cannot simply do whatever they want. According to a Reuters/Ipsos poll out Sunday, less than 25% support the president’s aggression against Iran. In the first wave of the US military attack, an Iranian school for girls was bombed, killing over 108 civilians, mostly children.

While some congressional lawmakers are pushing for a vote this week on a War Powers Resolution to curtail US military operations against Iran, others are demanding more robust action from Congress to bring Trump’s war-making to an end.

“Under Article I, Section 8 of the U.S. Constitution, only Congress has the power to declare war, as well as to raise and support armies, provide and maintain a navy, and fund and regulate the military,” declared novelist and political activists Stephen King on Saturday. “Impeach the SOB.”

Mike Hersh and Alan Minsky, respectively the communications director and executive director of the Progressive Democrats of America, argued in a Sunday op-ed for Common Dreams that “Trump’s illegal, unconstitutional war on Iran is not only a moral and humanitarian disaster, but also a profound constitutional crisis.”

According to Hersh and Minsky:

Trump’s illegal war on Iran and the rule of law establish an intolerable pattern of egregious abuses of power, directly threatening our constitutional order, our safety, and our way of life. These intertwined crises cry out for an immediate, decisive response by the Congress and the US public. Therefore, PDA demands that all members of Congress, Democrats, Republicans, and Independents alike, uphold their oath of office to defend our constitutional republic. The Constitution offers one and only one remedy when President a repeatedly breaks the law and arrogantly refuses to abide by the limits on the power clearly laid out in the Constitution. That remedy is impeachment, followed by removal from office.

Matt Duss, executive vice president for the Center for International Policy, said that US lawmakers, as well as the American people they represent, “must also be ready to hold the president and his administration accountable for this breach of US and international law.”

“The failure to hold past presidents liable for war crimes and related violations of our own laws has helped lead to this dangerous moment, with a seemingly unrestrained president endangering millions of lives with impunity,” warned Duss. “The forever wars and the imperial presidency must finally come to an end.”