Pueng Vongs

Marriage Is Alive And Well Among Foreign-Born Americans

At a time when more couples across the nation are rejecting marriage, immigrants are importing it.

For the first time, married households in the nation have become a minority, representing 49.7 percent, or 55.2 million of the nation's 111.1 million homes, based on numbers from the Census' recently released American Community Survey.

Among the reasons cited by the New York Times for the decline of matrimony are a greater acceptance of couples living together out of wedlock, an increase in broken marriages and the high cost of maintaining a family.

The same data show, however, that a greater percentage of foreign born continue to outpace their native-born counterparts in tying the knot. Some 61.9 percent of foreign born are married, compared with 51.9 percent of native born.

Comparing household figures from a 2004 survey, 58.4 percent of foreign-born households consisted of a married couple, or 8.3 million, a figure that dipped slightly in 2001 but has inched up annually between 2002 and 2004.

With growing immigration, the prototypical American family with husband, wife and child will increasingly gain a new face. Observers say the high marriage rate may be attributed to immigrants bringing old-world, traditional values to the new world, and the frequency with which the foreign born emigrate with spouses. But observers think that once here, foreign-born couples and successive generations are susceptible to the same forces that pull apart native-born couples.

Asians lead all other immigrant groups in matrimony, followed by Latinos. This largely has to do with cultural values, says Reverend Norman Fong, advocacy chair of San Francisco's Presbyterian churches. He says among the foreign-born majority who live in the city's Chinatown, marriage is still a major institution. "They depend on these family networks in their homeland. It is like education, very important."

Teresa Liu, 33, born in China's Shandong province, says it was never a question whether or not she would get married. "I was born in the 1970s at the end of the Cultural Revolution. Back then there were rigid rules, like boys and girls were not to have relationships until after college. I knew my parents eventually wanted me to get married and have a child." Liu, who immigrated to the United States, is now married to a high school friend she got reacquainted with on a later trip to China.

When her parents immigrated to the United States they struggled at first like many immigrants but had each other to depend on. "They had a tough time, my father was making barely enough and my mother did not speak much English, but she found work as a nanny."

"The family and marriage are the one thing people are hanging onto," Fong says. "They can't depend on justice or services, but they can always depend on family."

The greater number of married foreign born may also have to do with the ease of bringing a spouse over to the United States, says Jeffrey Passel, senior research associate with the Pew Hispanic Center.

"Our immigration laws are designed to give preference to immediate family, mostly nuclear families. If you are a citizen, your spouse goes to the front of the line. If you are a legal immigrant your spouse and children have high preference. This encouragement of immigration is built into the law."

While many immigrant couples may arrive here married, some say that it can be a different story once they get here.

David Hayes-Bautista, a demographer and director of the Center for the Study of Latino Health and Culture at UCLA, says there has been a steady decline of marriage among all groups in America since the 1950s. One reason is urbanization.

"Foreign-born Latinos historically have had one of the highest marriage rates in the country," Hayes-Bautista says. "Many who immigrate to the United States come from rural areas in Mexico and Central America where there are still socially conservative; but then they settle in a place like L.A."

He says urbanization often leads to higher wages, education and more choices. The results are especially visible in later generations. "Over the generations children and grandchildren become more urbanized and not as culturally assimilated. For example, Latino fertility rates have dropped in the past 15 years."

Anh Do, editor of editor of Nguoi Viet 2, the youth English section of the Nguoi Viet Daily News in Orange County, Calif., says a lot of Vietnamese families have been split by immigration. "One spouse comes here before the other and may have started a new life or relationship. When the other spouse comes here and sees what it's like they may decide to break up."

Do says there has been a greater acceptance of divorce and second marriages in the Vietnamese-American community as times and pressures change.

She believes the growing status of women in the community is another reason for the break in traditions. "I think women are more independent now. They earn more money and have exposure to other worlds, other people and other values. They may no longer subscribe to something they feel is a remnant of tradition or morality."

Hayes-Bautista says urbanization, increased education and employment for women around the world are the primary reasons for declining fertility. "If you look at highly Catholic societies like Italy and Spain, fertility has plummeted in the past 30 years and these two countries also have one of the highest rates of economic and industrial growth since the '70s."

He adds that France offers rewards for people to get married and have children, but hasn't been very successful.

Hayes-Bautista also points to the high cost of having a family and says that, in general, America isn't a family-friendly society. But with traditional family values stronger among immigrants, the country may have a chance to rescue the importance of marriage as an institution.

Hayes-Bautista says, "In essence we have a renewal purchase on the institution of a married couple with children among immigrants. Will we build on it or let it slip out of our grasp again? These are policy and political questions."

What To Do About Bird Flu

While stories about political misdeeds in Washington and volatility in France and the Middle East compete for headlines in U.S. newspapers, Chinese-language newspapers have had one singular focus: avian flu.

On Nov. 7, the World Health Organization (WHO) listed 124 cases of the H5N1 avian flu virus, including 63 deaths. No human or bird infections have been reported in the United States.

Chinese-language readers have been riveted on avian flu developments, not just for the past several weeks but months. Yuru Chen, editor-in-chief of the Chinese-language Taiwan-based World Journal in Millbrae, Calif., estimates that the newspaper has been covering the avian flu for about the past two years. The newspaper is published in New York, Los Angeles, San Francisco and Chicago.

"Chinese are very concerned about news from their home countries. We have covered the bird flu since it first broke out in Asia," he said.

In addition to reporting on outbreaks in China, including how many birds were infected and destroyed, the newspaper also fills its pages with preparation measures in the United States. President Bush announced last week that the United States will spend $1.2 billion for an avian flu vaccine. In the meantime, the Chinese-language press has been giving advice and tips on what readers can do to help prevent and treat an infection.

The remedies range from clinical to homespun. This type of service journalism was common during the SARS crisis when Chinese papers discussed the pros and cons of such things as boiling vinegar to disinfect a household from germs. Chinese-language media as well as other ethnic media frequently bridge the two worlds of news and service for their communities.

Here is an example of six tips to treat the avian flu, according to the Chinese media:

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Gay Rights Championed Around the World

California Gov. Gray Davis, in a surprise move, recently promised to approve greater legal rights for same-sex couples. While it is too soon to tell how this bold action will affect Davis' chances in the recall election, governments and politicians around the world are finding it to their advantage to champion lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) rights.

Leaders of formerly totalitarian central and Eastern European regimes are striking down discriminatory laws against minorities and gays. In most cases, these countries must get rid of anti-sodomy and other persecutory laws in order to qualify for and enjoy the economic and political benefits of membership in the European Union.

Croatia and Slovenia are taking matters a step further and creating laws that guarantee rights for same-sex couples. On July 25 the Croatian government became the latest country to offer legal and economic rights for homosexual couples on a national level.

In Romania, however, politicians still have a hard time going public with their support for gay rights. With its application into the European Union pending, Romania repealed an anti-sodomy law it enforced until a year ago, but that's as far as it's willing to go.

"Every time an election came around, the issue of repealing the sodomy law was postponed," says Sara Moore, program associate for Eastern Europe/Central Asia at the International Gay and Lesbian Human Rights Commission in San Francisco. "In the West, LGBT rights can be debated openly. In many other countries, a liberal candidate will be more discreet in their handling of their openness to LGBT issues and is more likely to sneak it in later."

In Brazil, on the other hand, defending gay rights has become part of a larger movement to strengthen democracy and expand the rights of people of color and of mixed-race citizens. The government has long confronted prejudices in the multiracial and predominantly Catholic society, calling on constituencies like women and homosexuals to project strong voices on controversial issues such as AIDS. The Brazilian government is leading the charge in an extensive HIV-prevention campaign that uses openly gay spokespersons. Brazilians have elected transgender governors, mayors and lawmakers.

In Mexico, Patria Jimenez, the first openly homosexual member of Mexico's legislature, campaigned on a platform of greater HIV prevention and LGBT and human rights when she won office in 1997. Her victory marked a turning point for Mexico -- it weakened the stronghold of the ruling conservative National Action Party and firmly placed the left-leaning Party of the Democratic Revolutionas agenda on the map. She and her party have pushed for AIDS prevention legislation previously stymied by the pervasive Catholic Church influence in government.

Indeed, in Mexico, LGBT rights quickly became integral to a much larger movement against authoritarian rule. Today, a handful of openly gay members serve in the Mexican congress or are mayors or governors of Mexican states. Little is made of their sexual orientation, and they are seen mostly as liberal symbols of democracy.

Last April, Mexico also became just the second Latin American country (after Ecuador) to pass a national anti-discrimination law protecting sexual orientation. Today, single men are allowed to adopt children. The law is not portrayed as a way to further the rights of gay men, but rather as a way for children to have the fundamental right to a family.

Traditionally conservative Singapore is also making a complete about-face. In June, Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong gave the nod for gays to serve in government positions. Not too long ago, LGBTs were regularly rounded up in gay bar raids and their names and faces were published in the local newspaper to incur public humiliation. Today, the country's growing gay-friendly tourist industry is reaping substantial returns and the government hopes to attract more gay foreign business people as well as those who left for freedoms of the West to boost the country's lagging economy.

It is still unclear how Singapore will reconcile its newfound acceptance of LGBTs with decades of censorship and discriminatory practices. Gay rights activists are also quick to point out that there is still an anti-sodomy law on the books that could be enforced at any time, especially if gays were to become overtly political.

Still, in their effort to obtain greater economic and political gains, politicians in many countries are finding that pushing for gay rights can be a valuable, albeit self-serving, tool.

Pueng Vongs (pvongs@pacificnews.org) is the editor of ncmonline.com, an association of over 600 ethnic media organizations founded in 1996 by Pacific News Services and members of ethnic media.

Affirmative Action in Other Countries

As the United States continues to wrestle with affirmative action, it is not alone. Other countries, such as Malaysia, India, Brazil and South Africa struggle with their own diversity initiatives, and can offer lessons for the United States.

In 2000 in Brazil, the state of Rio de Janeiro instituted racial quotas in its university system that targeted blacks and those with some African heritage, who were disadvantaged due to the country's legacy of slavery. However, under the Rio system, many white students claimed African heritage to gain an advantage in a very competitive applicant pool. In fact, Brazilians with mixed blood, called "pardos" -- brown in Portuguese -- account for approximately 40 percent of all Brazilians.

Critics in Brazil say racial quotas have no place in such a mixed-race society. On June 23, the conservative and prestigious Estado de Sao Paulo newspaper called racial miscegenation "one of the country's greatest sources of anthropological and cultural wealth." It was difficult to determine with precision "to which race each Brazilian belongs," the paper added.

Rio's quota-based policy has been suspended in the face of a challenge to its constitutionality in Brazil's Supreme Court. The U.S. Supreme Court's recent split ruling in two affirmative action cases -- which allowed race to be used in admissions decisions but banned quotas and systems based on points -- emboldened critics of Rio's policy. Brazil's experience could also foreshadow problems for the United States, as its mixed-race population grows and notions of racial identity change.

Paulo Renato Souza, Brazil's former education minister, advises doing away with affirmative action completely. The policy, he wrote in the Eastado newspaper, has distracted Brazil from its real task: improving the quality and access to public education at the primary and secondary school levels so that poor Brazilians, who tend to be black or brown, can be admitted to the universities at greater rates. Souza points to one successful government program that pays low-income parents to send their kids to primary school.

In Malaysia, Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad also recently hinted at dumping the country's "bhumiputra," or "native son" policy, which grants preferences to the Malay majority. Adopted in 1969, the bhumiputra policy gives Malays preferences in business opportunities and university admissions, but it leaves out other groups, such as the mostly labor-class Indians who comprise 11 percent of the country's population.

The policy was created to boost the Malays' economic standing, mainly against ethnic Chinese, who make up 33 percent of the nation's population but control 70 percent of its wealth. This disparity has contributed to some of Malaysia's bloodiest conflicts.

Mahathir's criticism of bhumiputra is longstanding. In his controversial 1970 book "The Malay Dilemma," Mahathir, who is half Malay and half Indian, said that bhumiputra hasn't worked because of Malays' cultural habits. Malays' relaxed, folksy and fatalistic lifestyle makes it difficult for them to compete with the Chinese, he claimed.

But Mahathir, who has courted controversy throughout his 22-year term, knows that Malays will not let the policy go lightly. Bhumiputra may provide Malays with a kind of psychological buffer against their financial disparities with the Chinese, and to do away with the policy overnight, many say, would plunge the nation into chaos and violence.

In South Africa, the nation's 1998 Employment Equity Act has so far had little impact on the black majority, 70 percent of the country's population. The boardrooms of the country's top companies are still dominated by whites, and affirmative action policies have benefited only a small number, mainly the black elite. The rest of the black population still lives in rural poverty, devastated by generations of oppressive apartheid policies.

What may be emerging instead in South Africa are more urgent, direct efforts among blacks to fight longstanding inequalities. Whites still own 80 percent of farmland, and some blacks, taking cues from neighboring Zimbabwe, are taking back property from white farmers by force. And like the U.S. movement to gain reparations for descendents of African American slaves, some in South Africa are filing lawsuits seeking damages from companies that participated in apartheid programs, including U.S.-based firms.

India, with one of the oldest affirmative action policies, created after the country gained independence in 1947, is tweaking its system. In 1979 a commission recommended changing the country's caste-based system to one based on income level and class. The definition of so-called "backward castes" eligible for preferential programs was changed to "backward classes," which could cover as many as 3,500 groupings based on such factors as income level, occupation and proximity to drinking water.

Prime Minister Vishwanath Pratap Singh in the 1980s was the first to recognize the lower classes -- more than 60 percent of India's population -- as a powerful voting block. Singh's efforts to enforce affirmative action quotas led to mass dissension from upper castes faced with shrinking seats in government and educational institutions. Some students even immolated themselves in protest.

Today, the political power of lower castes in India, both Hindu and non-Hindu, is burgeoning. The nation's first-ever Dalit, or "untouchable," chief minister -- Mayawati, who uses only one name -- came to power recently in the state of Uttar Pradesh.

Worldwide, countries may be may be slowly realizing that correcting legacies of injustice and discrimination may involve preferential programs based on both race and class, not race alone.

J. Prakash in Malaysia, Marcelo Ballve, and Sandip Roy contributed to this story. Pueng Vongs is an editor of New California Media, an association of California's ethnic and in-language news media and a project of Pacific News Service.

Asian American Targets

On a crowded rush-hour train from San Francisco to Oakland, Lori Lee, a 33-year-old Chinese American, was gripped by a sudden allergy attack. After her sneezing subsided, Lee noticed that two Caucasian passengers had abruptly moved away from her seat to the other side of the car. "I realized later that they must have thought I had SARS," she says.

Widespread anxiety over the new respiratory disease is only one of the sources of growing fear rippling through many Asian American communities that they will once again face a backlash of suspicion and hostility as the perennial "outsiders" or non-Americans.

Some 50 of the nation's leading Asian American civil rights groups, including the Hmong National Development, the National Federation of Filipino American Associations and the Korean American Coalition, gathered in Washington recently to discuss these challenges and what they could do to reduce the sense of vulnerability confronting their communities.

Issues ranged from SARS to new anti-terror legislation, a spy scandal involving a Chinese American and diminished funding for immigrant groups.

"People began to talk and exchange stories, and many fear that it's going to get a lot worse for Asian Americans," said David Lee, director of the Chinese American Voter Education Committee in San Francisco.

Activists say SARS paranoia is leading to acts of racial profiling against Asian Americans. They cite reports of employers asking Asian workers who have come back sick after traveling abroad to stay home. Asians who cough or sneeze on airline flights or public transport have been objects of suspicion or verbal abuse from fellow passengers, and many Asian-owned restaurants and businesses have been crippled by SARS fears.

Asians largely escaped the detentions and deportations that plagued many Arab and Muslim communities in America after Sept. 11, 2001. Now, Korean Americans are concerned that government scrutiny will expand to include them if the U.S. relationship with North Korea continues to deteriorate, according to Karen Narasaki, director of the National Asian Pacific American Legal Consortium (NAPALC) in Washington, D.C.

Typically, Narasaki says, "what happens overseas affects Asians here."

Narasaki and others at the conference are bracing themselves for a widely circulated draft of proposed new anti-terror legislation, dubbed Patriot Act II by civil libertarians. The Justice Department is seeking to speed up the deportation process for immigrants suspected of terrorist activity, further restricting their rights to legal recourse. Also included in proposals are measures that could strip the citizenship of naturalized citizens suspected of terrorist ties.

Asian Americans are also feeling the heat after Chinese American Katrina Leung was recently charged with passing U.S. secrets to the Chinese government. For many, the Leung case evokes painful memories of Wen Ho Lee, the former Los Alamos scientist who was charged with mishandling nuclear secrets and later exonerated.

During the Lee case, some Americans questioned the loyalties of Asian Americans. "In today's climate everyone is already nervous and afraid about who is the enemy. Do they look Middle Eastern? South Asian? Or North Korean?" says Helen Zia, who co-wrote the Wen Ho Lee biography, "My Country Versus Me."

Just when agencies that advocate for Asian immigrants are facing their greatest legal challenges, they must go forward with shrinking resources. Foundations grants are being slashed and more federal funds diverted to the war on terror. "Funding for our groups have always been a problem, but never more so than now," says Ka Ying Yang, executive director of the Southeast Asia Resource Action Center (SEARAC) in Washington, D.C.

SEARAC is protesting an agreement last year between the United States and Cambodia to return to Cambodia roughly 2,000 Cambodian immigrants who were convicted of crimes in the United States. Some had been held in INS detention for petty felonies. Many had fled Cambodia as refugees, or had come as young children to the United States, where they resided legally.

"The government doesn't care if we pay taxes, have families here, or that English is now our native language," says Yang. Washington is now reportedly considering similar agreements with Laos and Vietnam, which could impact as many as 5,000 people.

Many Asian American groups believe that, to ensure that Asians continue to have equal footing in U.S. society, a stronger Asian electorate must be built. "Voter registration is a key line of defense to make sure the community has a chance to address such issues with policy makers as Patriot Act II, SARS or the spy scandal," David Lee says.

Greater representation is also needed to counter sentiments like those of congressional leader Rep. Howard Coble (R-N.C.), who recently publicly agreed with the decision to intern 120,000 Japanese Americans during World War II.

In his response to Coble at a conference of Iranian Americans, Congressman Mike Honda (D-CA), a third-generation Japanese American, referred to a congressional study that concluded there was no military justification for the internment of Japanese. The study blamed three factors for the camps: racism, hysteria and Japanese Americans' lack of political voice. That's a lesson as relevant to Asian Americans today as it was 50 years ago, Honda said.

Pueng Vongs is an editor for New California Media.

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