A newly surfaced recording of an April 27 conversation between Matt Moran, the top political strategist for Virginia Gov. Glenn Youngkin, and members of Republican John Reid’s campaign appears to contradict Moran’s sworn affidavit — directly challenging his claim that he never pressured Reid’s team to leave the lieutenant governor’s race.

Top Youngkin strategist breaks silence, denies Reid’s extortion claims as GOP feud continues

The audio, obtained and reviewed by The Mercury on Thursday, captures Moran and attorney Tim Anderson, who attended the meeting at the Offices of LINK Public Affairs in Richmond as a witness for Moran, in a conversation with Reid’s campaign manager, Noah Jennings, and Reid’s longtime partner, Alonzo Mable.

Jennings confirmed in a text message that he was present during the conversation and that the recording is accurate. In response to a request for comment on the recording, Moran didn’t confirm or deny his participation in the conversation but said by text message, “That’s not the full audio.”

The conversation came at the height of a growing crisis inside the Virginia GOP, as party leaders wrestled with how to handle damaging material linked to Reid, a conservative radio host and the first openly gay candidate on a statewide ticket in Virginia history.

In the affidavit Moran released Wednesday, he flatly denied wrongdoing, asserting: “I never attacked John and did not threaten or coerce him. I communicated what I truly believed was in his best interests.”

On the recording, Moran, the head of Youngkin’s political organization Spirit of Virginia PAC, can be heard explicitly framing Reid’s exit as the only way to stop the release of damaging opposition research.

“If he stays in the race, it is going to continue,” Moran says in the recording. “That hurts our candidates up and down the ticket. Him getting out of the race is the only way it stops, and then, yeah, it absolutely would have to stop. Forevermore after that.”

In a video posted on X after the meeting Sunday afternoon, Reid alleged that Youngkin’s political team told his campaign the attacks would stop only if he withdrew — framing the offer as the kind of pressure that borders on extortion.

Youngkin’s political adviser under fire as extortion allegations rock Virginia GOP

Reid’s campaign followed up Monday with a cease-and-desist letter accusing Moran of defamation, asserting that the political consultant had falsely linked him to the explicit Tumblr account — which Reid said he had nothing to do with.

“While this account shared a common username with our client’s Instagram, he is not and never has been associated with the account,” the letter from Reid’s lawyer Charles Spies stated.

Moran’s affidavit portrays the vulnerability report at the center of the dispute as standard campaign work, saying Reid’s team was fully informed. But the audio reveals Moran and Anderson discussing the need for formal legal agreements to lock down the damaging material.

“So, the worst thing for John is he resigns and he still gets f***ed”,” Anderson says in the recording, adding that any agreement would need to “seal it shut” with an assurance from the governor. Moran agrees, calling it “a reasonable request,” and speculates that Youngkin would commit to ensuring the material never surfaced.

Jennings and Mable, meanwhile, repeatedly asked Moran for documentation, with Moran offering to send a four-page summary and a 16-page report. Moran had previously said Reid’s campaign knew these details.

The emergence of the recording marks another flashpoint in a political storm that has shaken Virginia Republicans for the past week, deepening internal fractures and fueling charges of political backstabbing just months before the November elections.

The controversy began after The Richmonder reported that Youngkin personally called Reid to urge him to drop out, citing concerns over explicit posts shared by a Tumblr account using Reid’s social media username.

For days, Moran stayed silent. Then, on Wednesday evening — less than two hours before Reid took the stage alone at a Henrico County GOP rally where Youngkin canceled his appearance — Moran broke his silence with a public post.

“Let me be clear, facts matter, and they will demonstrate the accusations against me are unfounded,” Moran declared on X.

Moran’s attorney, Terwilliger, followed with a sharply worded letter rejecting Reid’s claims as misinformed, warning that continued accusations could carry legal consequences, and insisting Moran “never attempted to extort, coerce, or pressure Mr. Reid.” The letter also floated the possibility of a private call to resolve the matter.

Several Republican officials, alarmed by the deepening controversy, have publicly called on Youngkin to fire Moran, arguing that the strategist’s continued presence is damaging the party’s credibility and distracting from its November election efforts.

In deepening Va. GOP crisis, Reid accuses Youngkin PAC of extortion. Is a legal battle ahead?

For Moran, 36, the high-stakes fight is the latest chapter in a political career spanning more than a decade.

He began as a campaign manager and legislative aide before becoming spokesman for then-House Speaker William J. Howell, R-Stafford, and later chief of staff to Speaker Kirk Cox, R-Colonial Heights.

When Youngkin took office, Moran joined the administration as director of policy and legislative affairs — notably working without a state salary while remaining on leave from his consulting firms, Creative Direct and Link Public Affairs.

Whether the newly surfaced recording leads to legal action or further fractures Virginia’s Republican Party remains to be seen, but it has injected new urgency into a race already engulfed in controversy — and added yet another element to the political storm surrounding Youngkin’s team just months ahead of a critical election.

Virginia Mercury is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Virginia Mercury maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Samantha Willis for questions: info@virginiamercury.com.

Matt Moran, Gov. Glenn Youngkin’s top political strategist and head of the Spirit of Virginia PAC, broke his silence Wednesday evening, rejecting accusations that he tried to pressure GOP lieutenant governor nominee John Reid out of the race and declaring that “facts matter.”

Youngkin’s political adviser under fire as extortion allegations rock Virginia GOP

Less than two hours before Reid was set to appear solo at a GOP rally in Henrico County after Youngkin canceled the event originally scheduled for the entire statewide Republican slate, Moran took to social media to push back on what he called “unfounded” claims and released a sworn affidavit along with a pointed legal letter from his attorney.

“I’ve known John Reid for years and consider him a friend,” Moran wrote on X, formerly Twitter. “Over the last nine days, I was actively supporting and assisting John as the Lt. Governor nominee of the Republican Party. Let me be clear, facts matter, and they will demonstrate the accusations against me are unfounded.”

Moran also posted a letter from his attorney, George Terwilliger III, addressed to Reid’s campaign. In it, Terwilliger disputed Reid’s version of events, suggesting Reid had been misled.

“From that sequence, I am going to assume, until it is demonstrated otherwise, that you were not provided sufficiently reliable information,” Terwilliger wrote, adding that “erroneous conclusions… manifested as the unsupported accusations against Mr. Moran.”

The lawyer said Moran took “the extraordinary step” of signing an affidavit to affirm “accurate fundamental facts” and show that the allegations “are unfounded.” Terrwilliger urged Reid to retract his claims and warned of potential legal consequences if the “unfounded and untoward accusations” continue, saying “such demands were made of Mr. Moran,” and all related materials should be preserved.

“To be clear, Mr. Moran strongly denies that he has defamed Mr. Reid in any manner whatsoever,” Terrwilliger wrote. “The facts, evidence, and witnesses would demonstrate that Mr. Moran never attempted to extort, coerce, or pressure Mr. Reid… but rather as a seasoned professional endeavored to provide sound advice regarding the viability of Mr. Reid’s candidacy to someone he counted as a friend.”

Still, Terwilliger signaled a willingness to cool tensions, asking the Reid campaign if they were open to “scheduling a call where we might further discuss the matter.”

The public response marks a new phase in a feud that has roiled Virginia Republicans since last week — pitting the governor’s inner circle against the party’s first openly gay statewide nominee in a clash that’s turned deeply personal and politically damaging.

In deepening Va. GOP crisis, Reid accuses Youngkin PAC of extortion. Is a legal battle ahead?

Reid, a conservative radio host and longtime personality on WRVA, escalated the firestorm Sunday, which began two days earlier when The Richmonder reported that Youngkin had called the radio host and asked him to end his campaign.

In a video posted on X, Reid alleged that “representatives of my campaign have been told by the leader of Governor Youngkin’s political organization that the attacks on me will continue unless I drop out.”

He didn’t name Moran in the video, but on Monday his campaign sent a cease-and-desist letter directly accusing Moran of defamation and “actual malice.”

The letter claims Moran told news outlets Reid was behind a sexually explicit Tumblr account — a charge Reid’s team denies. “While this account shared a common username with our client’s Instagram, he is not and never has been associated with the account,” the letter stated. It also accuses Moran of telling Reid that “him getting out of the race is the only way it stops.”

Moran, 36, heads the governor’s Spirit of Virginia PAC and serves as Youngkin’s unpaid policy director. His central role in the campaign operation has drawn backlash from Republicans across the state, with some urging Youngkin to cut ties amid the controversy.

“Firing Matt really is the only appropriate thing for Governor Youngkin to do,” Casey Flores, founder of the Richmond chapter of Log Cabin Republicans, a national LGBTQ+ GOP group, told The Mercury on Tuesday.

Even some party stalwarts have raised alarms about how the allegations have been handled.

John Reid imbroglio tests gender, sexuality and privacy standards in Virginia politics

Former Republican Lt. Gov. Bill Bolling said the core question — whether Reid had any real connection to the Tumblr account — “remains unresolved.”

And Rick Buchanan, chair of the 5th District GOP committee, said Youngkin made a mistake by listening to Moran “without knowing the facts.”

Others have raised concerns about Moran’s dual roles. Loudoun County GOP Chair Scott Pio called his arrangement — being on leave from two consulting firms while advising Youngkin — a conflict of interest.

“Since Matt doesn’t have a statewide client, he decides to throw this bomb,” Pio said. “Youngkin being a businessman, he should know when to hire and fire quickly.”

Calls are also growing for internal accountability. In a letter to GOP Chairman Mark Peake, Buchanan and 6th District Chair John Massoud urged the party’s executive committee to privately review any images Moran may have shown the governor. They said the accusations were serious, but “the evidence behind the allegations … have not been forthcoming.”

Wednesday’s previously scheduled GOP “unity” rally was abruptly canceled in the wake of the controversy. Reid has vowed to continue campaigning and appeared at the Henrico event without other party leaders.

The rally instead became a backdrop to Moran’s digital counterattack — one that may escalate the conflict even further, despite his lawyer’s call to “de-escalate.”

Virginia Republican Lieutenant Governor candidate John Reid gives a speech at a rally on April 30, 2025, days after Gov. Glenn Youngkin asked him to drop out of the race. (Photo by Charlotte Rene Woods/Virginia Mercury)

Virginia Mercury is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Virginia Mercury maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Samantha Willis for questions: info@virginiamercury.com.

The internal drama roiling Virginia Republicans deepened over the weekend as John Reid, the party’s embattled nominee for lieutenant governor, accused Gov. Glenn Youngkin’s political action committee of extortion — escalating an already explosive rift just months before November’s elections.

In a defiant video posted Sunday afternoon on X, formerly Twitter, Reid alleged that a representative of Youngkin’s Spirit of Virginia PAC told his team the organization would purchase damaging opposition research and “the lies and threats against me would suddenly stop” if he agreed to drop out of the race.

The allegations come just 48 hours after it became public that Youngkin had personally asked Reid to withdraw over concerns about a social media account linked to explicit content.

Reid, a conservative radio host and the first openly gay statewide candidate from either party in Virginia, said he had hoped the controversy would settle, but instead the pressure had intensified.

“I had certainly hoped that we could put the bigotry and ugliness of last week behind us and unify our Republican ticket this year,” Reid said in the video. “But shockingly, once again representatives of my campaign have been told by the leader of Governor Youngkin’s political organization that the attacks on me will continue unless I drop out of the race for lieutenant governor.”

Spirit of Virginia is headed by political consultant Matt Moran, vice president of Creative Direct.

Under Virginia law, it is a crime to threaten a person’s reputation, safety, property, or immigration status in order to extort money, property, or any financial benefit. Specifically, the law classifies it as a Class 5 felony to use threats, accusations of criminal conduct, or the misuse of immigration documents as leverage for financial or personal gain.

However, Eric Claville, a political and legal analyst at Norfolk State University, urged caution before drawing any legal conclusions from Reid’s allegations.

“This is politics, and politics is all about perception, and with that being the case, I would not want to speak on the legality of it, because we don’t have all the evidence,” Claville said. “We can only speculate, and that’s what both sides are doing now.”

Claville noted that while Reid’s accusations may stir public outrage, proving criminal conduct would require far more than speculation.

“When you take a look at what has transpired, it is all speculation and hearsay. Therefore, in the legal court, that would have to be tried out and also go through the legal process in order to make a determination,” he said. “However, in the court of public opinion, which is different from a legal proceeding, it basically comes down to the rules of what is reality and what is not, as it relates to the audience, or the public at large.”

For now, Claville said, Reid appears to have the stronger public narrative.

“You have candidate Reid making a strong case on his end, and there really is not a strong rebuttal on the other end,” he said. “So at this point, that’s going to have to go through the legal proceedings and of course, the court of public opinion.”

Ultimately, Claville emphasized that the larger issue is mostly political.

“At the end of the day, the question is, what is the impact upon the ticket – and that impact is massive, and they’re going to have to determine if this is a viable path forward to be competitive in the upcoming election,” he said.

As of late Monday afternoon, Republican leadership remained notably silent. Lt. Gov. Winsome Earle-Sears — the party’s nominee for governor and the headliner of the statewide GOP ticket — has yet to weigh in on the controversy.

A spokeswoman for Earle-Sears’ campaign and a spokesman for Spirit of Virginia did not respond to multiple phone calls and text messages. Neither did Ken Nunnenkamp, the party’s executive director.

Sen. Mark Peake, R-Lynchburg, the newly elected chair of the Republican Party of Virginia, declined to comment Monday. But at an event in Fairfax County earlier in the day, he vowed to support the entire GOP slate.

Adding to the signs of turmoil, an event scheduled for Wednesday at Atlas 42 in Henrico County featuring the statewide Republican ticket — with Youngkin billed as a special guest — has been canceled, according to a report by Virginia Scope.

Even as the controversy swirled, Reid was set to appear Monday evening at a rally hosted by the Loudoun County Republican Committee in Sterling. Loudoun GOP Chair Scott Pio told The Mercury that the event would go forward as planned and that Reid continued to have his support.

“The Republican Party has been removing staunch Republicans for the past three years from elected office all across the state because they’re unhappy with conservatism being pushed,” Pio said, voicing his frustration with efforts to boot Reid off the ticket.

In his video, Reid did not mince words about the pressure he said he faced.

“This is extortion and it is illegal in Virginia, and I am more outraged now,” he said of the proposal his campaign received from Youngkin’s PAC. Reid added that he has engaged legal counsel to “pursue all options” and slammed what he called the arrogance of party insiders trying to oust him after he became the legal nominee.

“The insiders in Virginia politics made a big miscalculation if they thought that I would bow down to anyone or run away scared,” he said. “I’m a conservative Trump supporter and I’m gay, and everybody knows it because I’ve told you in person and in the media for decades.”

The latest twist follows days of escalating conflict that first broke into public view Friday when The Richmonder reported that Youngkin had privately urged Reid to withdraw after a Tumblr account — bearing the same username Reid uses elsewhere — surfaced featuring sexually explicit content. A spokesperson for Youngkin’s PAC said the governor learned of the account late Thursday and called Reid the next morning.

“The governor was made aware late Thursday of the disturbing online content. Friday morning, in a call with Mr. Reid, the Governor asked him to step down as the lieutenant governor nominee,” Spirit of Virginia said in a statement.

Reid denied the account was his, countering in an earlier video that “anyone on the internet can open accounts with the same or similar names as other people,” and saying he had never publicly performed or posted pornographic material.

Reid said while he expected “harassment and vulgar attacks” from “radical” Republicans and “angry leftists,” he did not expect Youngkin, whom he had long supported, to call for his resignation “without even showing me the supposed evidence or offering me a chance to respond.”

“I did not accept that and I deeply resent it,” he said.

Stephen Farnsworth, a political scientist at the University of Mary Washington, said the turmoil surrounding Reid’s candidacy highlights deeper challenges for Virginia Republicans heading into a critical election cycle.

“The biggest challenge that you have as a first-time statewide candidate is getting your name out there in the public,” Farnsworth said. “That’s not going to be a problem for John Reid.” But, he cautioned, the downside is significant: “This controversy won’t help Reid or the Republican ticket.”

Farnsworth noted the predicament reflects broader tensions within the GOP.

“It is a very difficult situation for Republicans to both keep the enthusiasm of evangelical Christian voters and reach out to an increasingly visible gay segment of the electorate in Virginia,” he said. While Republicans have long struggled with balancing those constituencies, Farnsworth said, “it is certainly a more intense one right now, particularly given the governor’s rebuffed efforts to avoid a bigger controversy.”

Ultimately, Farnsworth argued, the situation adds yet another complication to an already challenging election year for Virginia Republicans.

“The Republican party did not need another problem this year,” he said.

Reid’s unexpected ascent to the ticket came after Fairfax County Supervisor Pat Herrity dropped out for health reasons last week. Had Reid agreed to withdraw, the Republican Party of Virginia’s state central committee would have been tasked with picking a replacement, Peake previously confirmed.

The controversy also unfolds against the backdrop of a broader debate over LGBTQ rights, as the General Assembly advances a constitutional amendment to erase a now-defunct ban on same-sex marriage — an issue that has divided Republicans, with many in the House and Senate either voting no or abstaining.

Virginia Mercury is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Virginia Mercury maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Samantha Willis for questions: info@virginiamercury.com.

A Franklin County jury has awarded $750,000 in damages to two families who were evicted from a Smith Mountain Lake campground after the owner learned one of the family members was Black. The verdict marks the largest fair housing jury award ever secured by the Virginia attorney general’s office, according to a news release by Attorney General Jason Miyares.

The case centered on Regina Turner, owner of Lazy Cove Campground, who had rented lakeside lots to families for decades. But in June 2020, she abruptly sought to evict two families after discovering that one of the husbands, Damien Smith, was Black.

According to a complaint filed with the Virginia Fair Housing Board, which was first reported by The Washington Post, Turner told a tenant, “You didn’t tell me that your friend’s husband is Black… Had I known, I wouldn’t have rented the lot to them. I saw the son, but I figured everyone makes a mistake.”

Miyares hailed the jury’s decision as a critical victory against racial discrimination in fair housing.

“Housing discrimination — and discrimination of any kind — will not be tolerated in Virginia,” Miyares said in a statement Thursday. “We are pleased by the jury’s verdict, and I’m immensely proud of my Civil Rights Unit. The people of Franklin County have spoken: Smith Mountain Lake is for everyone.”

Turner denied evicting the families but admitted to making the controversial phone call. “I did say that to a degree,” she said in an interview with The Post. “I said I have a right to know who’s moving in. I did feel betrayed.” However, court documents also allege that she told another tenant’s mother, “No Blacks are allowed in my campground.”

The lawsuit stemmed from the experiences of two longtime friends, Amanda Mills and Angela Smith, who had viewed Lazy Cove as a perfect escape during the pandemic, setting up their campers side by side. Mills had negotiated a lease with Turner without issue, but after learning of Smith’s husband’s race, Turner took swift action to remove both families.

When the families attempted to leave, Turner refused to refund their rental fees or allow them to sell their campers — restrictions not imposed on other tenants. The Smiths say the most painful part of the ordeal was Turner’s alleged remark about their son.

The jury needed less than two hours to deliberate before awarding $100,000 to each couple for their losses, humiliation, and emotional distress. They also imposed $550,000 in punitive damages to hold Turner accountable and deter future discrimination.

“It was like a sigh of relief, but at the same time, I’m still angry because we never should have had to go through this,” Damien Smith said following the verdict. “It was 2020 at the time, and somehow we’re still getting judged by the color of our skin versus the kind of person we are.”

Turner’s attorney has since filed a motion to overturn the verdict, with a court hearing scheduled for April.

Virginia Mercury is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Virginia Mercury maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Samantha Willis for questions: info@virginiamercury.com.

With all 100 seats in the House of Delegates and three statewide offices on the ballot this year, Virginia Republicans are navigating internal disagreements that could shape the party’s strategy heading into a pivotal election cycle. Tensions between the 5th Congressional District leadership and the Republican Party of Virginia (RPV) have resurfaced, highlighting broader divisions within the state GOP.

The latest salvo in the intra-party battle came in the form of an open letter, signed by six Republican officials from the hardline conservative 5th District — including Chairman Rick Buchanan and five members of the State Central Committee.

The letter, sent to the committee last week, takes aim at the 80-member body’s Executive Committee, which, during a Dec. 8 meeting, attempted to penalize four local GOP officials by banning them from leadership roles for two years. The officials were ousted in September for refusing to sign a renewed locality pledge of loyalty to former state Sen. John McGuire, R-Goochland, the party’s congressional nominee, who went on to win the Nov. 5 election.

“As we step into a new year, it is vital to reflect on past actions, recognize missteps, and consider how we can position our party for success,” the letter reads. “Leadership requires not only vision but also wisdom — the ability to guide, not punish, and to inspire, not alienate. One recent decision by party leadership warrants serious discussion.”

At issue is a requirement for party officials to reaffirm their support for McGuire following his victory over U.S. Rep. Bob Good, R-Farmville, in last year’s bruising primary. The demand, framed as a “reaffirmation statement,” sparked outrage among some 5th District Republicans, who viewed it as an unprecedented and punitive measure.

“Has there ever been such a demand in the history of our party?” the letter continues. “Have party members, after vigorously supporting a candidate in a primary, ever been forced to sign a statement of loyalty?”

The conflict first flared up in June, when 25 GOP officials from the district signed a letter urging then-presidential nominee Donald Trump to reconsider his endorsement of McGuire and instead back Good, the then-chairman of the ultra-conservative House Freedom Caucus and a staunch Trump ally who had fallen out of Trump’s good graces after endorsing Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis in the Republican presidential primary.

That act of defiance by some of the district’s Republican leadership set off months of tension that culminated in September when each of the 25 officials were asked to sign the renewed pledge. Five refused, arguing they had previously pledged their support for the Republican nominee ahead of the June 18 primary election. As a result, four were stripped off their titles while one submitted his resignation.

Rich Anderson, chairman of the Republican Party of Virginia, defended the initial reaffirmation requirement but acknowledged that the State Central Committee ultimately determined that banning the four officials from leadership roles for two years was excessive.

However, for Buchanan and his allies, the issue remains far from resolved. Their letter criticizes what they see as an attempt to “humiliate, ostracize, and ultimately expel” certain members from leadership for political retribution. They argue that internal divisions, if left unchecked, could weaken the party heading into a critical election year.

“We must ask ourselves: Did these actions help us elect more Republicans?” the letter said. “Did they energize our base? Did they serve to strengthen our party? The answer is a resounding no. Such divisive tactics do not build a winning coalition; they discourage participation, suppress enthusiasm, and fracture the unity we so desperately need.”

Buchanan clarified in a phone interview Monday that the purpose of the letter was not to further divide, but unite the party in order to replicate the 2021 victory of Republican gubernatorial nominee Glenn Youngkin, who flipped Virginia red by increasing turnout in the deeply Republican districts in Southside and Southwest Virginia.

“They are attacking the red counties via us, and yet they’ve got the governor telling them that’s where we need to win elections, that we need to get more people in the red counties out to vote,” Buchanan said, referring to the party’s state leadership.

If Republicans want to win back the majorities in the state legislature and ensure a victory for Lt. Gov. Winsome Earle-Sears, the party’s presumptive gubernatorial nominee, they need to “come up with a message and reach into the homes of the folks that are my neighbors,” Buchanan said.

“That’s the only way, that’s what Youngkin did, and he did it very well. He pushed it, he had a bus tour in Southside and Southwest Virginia, and he came to see us, which is almost unheard of. You’re not going to turn those Democrats, but you can get the people out around here that don’t normally vote except in presidential elections. [But] they are attacking us for something that nobody has ever heard of, they are running people away from the party, they are splitting the party, and I’m very concerned about that.”

A threat to Earle-Sears’ campaign

John Massoud, chairman of the 6th District GOP Committee, also weighed in on the controversy, taking issue with the State Central Committee’s disciplinary measures.

“As a person intimately familiar with what happened in the 5th Congressional District, I vehemently disagreed with the RPV’s insistence that people who did not sign a second loyalty oath be removed,” he said. “My opinion is once you sign the loyalty oath, unless you have broken it, there’s no need to sign a second.”

Massoud emphasized that in his district, where U.S. Rep. Ben Cline, R-Botetourt, faced no primary challenge last year, such disputes did not arise.

“RPV respects us and we respect RPV, we work well together, and sometimes we agree to disagree, and I think a disagreement is not a bad thing,” he said.

While Massoud said he believes free speech and open debate strengthen the party, he remains firm in his opposition to how the committee handled the 5th District situation. “I vehemently disagree with how RPV handled whatever happened in that district with those few people who didn’t sign a second loyalty oath. It wasn’t needed, and RPV knows my opinion on this.”

Ongoing Republican divisions — even if not a widespread issue — could threaten Earle-Sears’ path to the governor’s mansion, warned David Richards, a political science professor at the University of Lynchburg.

“In 2021, Youngkin unified the party by focusing on broad conservative issues like parental school choice, appealing to both moderates and the far right. At the time, the MAGA wing was still recovering from Trump’s loss, and election denialism had not yet become a party loyalty test. That unity boosted GOP turnout in rural areas, helping Youngkin offset Democratic strength in Northern Virginia,” Richards said.

The 2025 election presents a different challenge, Richards added. With the GOP in control of the federal government, Democrats will be more motivated to vote, making party unity even more critical for Republicans.

“If the far right sits out, either due to frustration with Virginia’s GOP leadership or opposition to Earle-Sears, her path to victory narrows significantly. Earle-Sears will need a united party behind her to counter what is sure to be a very united Democratic Party,” Richards said.

Clashes in the Suffolk

And the 5th District isn’t the only place where local Republicans are clashing over party control and loyalty tests.

In Suffolk, GOP infighting reached a boiling point in 2023 when the 2nd Congressional District GOP Committee took the extraordinary step of dissolving the city’s entire Republican committee, erasing a 156-member organization that had been growing its conservative base.

The controversy began during the Republican nomination fight for Senate District 17, when then-Suffolk GOP Chair Dawn Jones filed a lawsuit against the Virginia Department of Elections and the State Board of Elections.

Jones alleged that the state agencies improperly changed the nomination contest from a party-run convention to a primary election, a move she claimed was designed to benefit then-Del. Emily Jordan, R-Suffolk, who was backed by Youngkin, over former NASCAR driver Hermie Sadler. A court eventually ruled in favor of a state-run primary, and Jordan went on to win the GOP nomination and the general election that year.

Jones believes the lawsuit put a target on the Suffolk Republican Committee, particularly as it had allowed Sadler to speak at its meetings — a move she argues was simply in line with party rules, since Jordan was also given the opportunity but chose not to attend. “She was the chosen one,” Jones said in a phone interview Monday.

Shortly after the lawsuit, tensions escalated when the Suffolk committee debated censuring then-House Majority Leader Todd Gilbert, R-Shenandoah, for his refusal to introduce legislation the committee wanted.

Instead of removing Jones, the 2nd District GOP Committee took the unprecedented step of dissolving the entire Suffolk Republican Committee. The panel later appointed a former committee chair to lead a reconstituted Suffolk GOP.

Jones and her allies appealed the decision to the State Central Committee, which upheld it by a majority vote. She claims the move was a calculated purge of strong conservative voices, particularly those seen as too independent of Richmond’s GOP leadership.

“I have come to realize that their objective isn’t to win, it’s to control,” Jones said. “And that’s really the way that I view this.”

Jones argued that Virginia GOP leadership is handpicking candidates behind the scenes, manipulating the process to ensure their preferred individuals secure nominations. According to her, party insiders create an environment where members feel pressured to fall in line, and those who refuse to endorse the “chosen” candidates face retaliation.

She also claimed that party operatives disrupt local GOP meetings, stirring division and chaos to weaken independent-minded committees. “They have what we call disruptors present inside of our meetings, and they will continue to create havoc,” Jones said, adding that she believes this strategy is designed to fracture committees from within, turning members against leadership to justify removals.

In the case of the Suffolk GOP Committee, Jones alleged that party leaders fabricated rule violations to justify its dissolution, specifically because the committee was seen as too independent.

“They try to separate the unit,” she said. “They try to create so much chaos within your local unit that they either are going to try to get people to go against you as a chairman, or, in our case, because we had a very strong unit, they fabricated rules that we may have supposedly broken to basically get rid of us as a unit.”

She also said that before its removal, the Suffolk GOP had been an effective, growing force within the party. “We were 156 people strong. We were making strides. We had moved the needle to the conservative way here in Suffolk by five percent. That’s significant. Since we’ve been dissolved, and they put this other group back in charge, they have lost all those gains,” she said.

As a consequence, many conservative voters in Suffolk now feel alienated from the political process, believing that GOP leadership is rigging the system to favor establishment-backed candidates, Jones said. “I’ve run into people who don’t want to show up because they feel the process has been rigged and that it’s already set. They don’t like the candidates that have been picked, and they’re not going to show up to vote for them.”

However, Anderson, the RPV chair, pushed back against the allegations and defended the decision to dissolve the Suffolk committee, arguing that the panel was dysfunctional and had become a roadblock to GOP success.

“Our job is to elect Republicans, not punish Republicans,” Anderson said, referencing the Suffolk committee’s potential plan to reprimand Gilbert over legislative decisions. He emphasized that lawmakers answer to all voters in their jurisdiction, not just local party activists.

Anderson also said multiple GOP candidates had complained that the Suffolk committee was not working cooperatively with campaigns and was instead undermining party efforts.

He also strongly denied claims that state party leadership manipulates nomination processes or favors certain candidates over others. He insisted that the state GOP remains neutral in contested primaries and does not engage in efforts to anoint preferred candidates.

“The Republican Party of Virginia does not push any candidates, we don’t run any candidates,” he said. “Candidates step forward on their own and seek the nomination on their own. We don’t sponsor candidates, nor do I or other leaders at the Republican Party of Virginia endorse or even privately indicate who we think the nominees should be in a given nomination contest.”

Instead, Anderson emphasized that the party’s role is to act as a neutral arbiter, ensuring that nomination contests are fair and conducted according to party rules. “Our job is to remain as the honest broker, enforce party rule, and ensure a level playing field so everyone gets an equal crack,” he said.

While Jones and other conservatives believe Youngkin’s endorsements influenced nomination battles, Anderson defended the governor’s involvement, arguing that it is separate from the party’s official role.

“He is the leader of our party,” Anderson said of Youngkin. “He’s elected to make tough decisions. He’s in a position where I think he can assess the electability of a given candidate, but one of the things he does not do is enforce party rules.”

Anderson maintained that accusations of backroom maneuvering and forced candidate selection were unfounded, portraying the Suffolk GOP’s removal as a necessary step to restore party order in a unit that was working against Republican interests rather than for them.

“The necessity to take an extreme action of this sort is rare,” Anderson said. “In fact, the Suffolk reconstitution is the only time that there’s been a reconstitution in the five years that I’ve been the state party chairman.”

Virginia Mercury is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Virginia Mercury maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Samantha Willis for questions: info@virginiamercury.com.

The House of Delegates Finance Committee on Monday by a 12-10 party-line vote advanced legislation that would strip the Virginia Division of the United Daughters of the Confederacy (UDC) and similar organizations of their tax-exempt status in Virginia.

A similar measure passed both chambers of the legislature last year but was ultimately vetoed by Republican Gov. Glenn Youngkin, who argued it was unnecessary and divisive.

Sponsored by Del. Alex Askew, D-Virginia Beach, House Bill 1699 would remove state recordation tax exemptions and revoke the tax-exempt status of real and personal property owned by a range of Confederate-linked groups.

The panel passed the legislation without discussion Monday, and no representative of the UDC or related group addressed the committee. Askew said in a brief interview after the vote that it is time for Virginia’s tax code to reflect the state’s current values.

“Last year, we saw a few people come and speak for members on behalf of the UDC, but to me, it’s a good policy,” Askew said. “It’s not that we’re looking to take away anybody’s right to exist at all, but I think our code should match our values in Virginia.”

Besides the UDC, the legislation targets groups like the Confederate Memorial Literary Society, the Stonewall Jackson Memorial, Incorporated, the Virginia Division of the Sons of Confederate Veterans, and the J.E.B. Stuart Birthplace Preservation Trust, Inc.

Currently, these organizations benefit from exemptions that allow them to avoid paying certain state and local taxes on property and financial transactions. If the legislation is enacted, these groups would be required to pay taxes like other non-charitable entities.

The UDC reported $10.4 million in net assets and an annual income of $157,988 in its 2022 tax filings, while the Virginia branch alone held $2.1 million in assets and generated $147,897 in income.

The UDC, which labels itself a historical and educational group, has long been criticized for its role in erecting Confederate monuments across the South and promoting a revisionist view of the Civil War.

Askew expressed hope that this year’s effort will yield a different outcome than last year.

“I’m hopeful that the governor will sign it,” he said.“I think it’s an opportunity for him to really show what he believes the future of the commonwealth should be, where we currently are, or what our future looks like.”

Askew added that if the bill reaches Youngkin’s desk again, it will give him a chance to demonstrate his stance on organizations like the UDC. “If and when it ultimately passes, which I feel like it will, it’ll be up to him to put his veto pen where his beliefs are,” he said.

Virginia Mercury is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Virginia Mercury maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Samantha Willis for questions: info@virginiamercury.com.

Former President Donald Trump’s return to the White House following the Nov. 5 election is already sending ripples through Virginia politics and setting the stage for an intense 2025 election cycle in the commonwealth. With control of the governorship and the House of Delegates on the line, both parties are strategizing to leverage the shifting political landscape to their advantage.

“I think we’re in a crucial moment in Virginia’s history, this is a moment where every single vote, every election and every voice can make a lasting difference, especially after the election of Donald Trump,” Speaker Don Scott, D-Portsmouth, said on a video call with reporters on Friday.

The 2017 elections in Virginia offer a compelling precedent. That year — Trump’s first in office — galvanized the Democratic base, leading to a stunning 15-seat gain in the House and leaving the Republicans with a razor-thin 50–49 advantage.

Suburban districts that had long been Republican strongholds, including in the Richmond area and in Northern Virginia, flipped blue as many moderate voters reacted against the president’s divisive rhetoric and policies.

Additionally, Democrat Ralph Northam’s decisive victory in the gubernatorial race — he defeated Republican Ed Gillespie by a 9-point margin (54-45%) — underscored the state’s shift toward progressive politics, fueled by high turnout among women, young voters, and minorities united by their dislike for an incumbent president whom Hillary Clinton, the Democratic nominee, had defeated in the commonwealth with 49.75-44.43%.

Two years later, in 2019, Democrats picked up six more seats in the House, marking the first time that the party held control of both legislative and executive branches in Virginia since 1993.

Following Trump’s recent win, Virginia Democrats are hoping for a similar wave in 2025, betting that the Republican’s polarizing presidency will once again energize their coalition. With abortion rights, climate policy, and education likely to be central issues, Democrats believe they can maintain their control of the legislature and win back the Executive Mansion by appealing to suburban and urban voters alarmed by Trump’s policies.

“One of the things about Virginia is that you can never really predict what will happen, because Virginia voters are so in tune and aware of what’s going on. They don’t go for a lot of BS, which is why Virginia rejected Donald Trump three times,” Scott said, referring also to the presidential elections in 2020 and 2024, which Trump lost in the commonwealth.

Virginians, Scott said, pay “very close attention to what happens in DC right now,” and they will take note if Trump keeps his promise to abolish the U.S. Department of Education or eliminate federal jobs in Northern Virginia — actions that could fire up the Democratic party’s base.

Republicans, on the other hand, are hoping for a reverse dynamic.

Trump’s successful third White House bid has emboldened Virginia conservatives, particularly in rural areas where his support remains robust, and the GOP campaigns of next year are likely to focus on economic issues and a law-and-order message to woo suburban voters who have drifted toward Democrats in recent cycles.

“The Republican Party of Virginia and Trump very handily carried a number of Virginia House of Delegates districts that either Republicans lost by a small amount last year or won by a small amount,” Rich Anderson, the chairman of the Virginia GOP, said in a recent phone interview.

“So it’s going to be vital for us next year to take those Republicans who showed up for President Trump and to get them out in the 2025 election cycle. We will work hard in doing that because next year is a crucial year for us in the House of Delegates elections, and the Democrats only have a one seat margin. If we work hard, then we can flip it back, and that, of course, helps our nominees for governor, lieutenant governor and attorney general.”

David Richards, a political science professor at the University of Lynchburg, said that the current Democratic majorities in the House of Delegates (51-49) and the state Senate (21-19) are too close for either party to relax.

“If Virginia acts like 2021, where it voted against the party in power in Washington, then the GOP will have an uphill climb,” Richards said. “The question is how far along Trump’s agenda will be by the fall of 2025. If things are going well, the GOP could draft on that success, but if things are chaotic, then that will be a problem.”

Deputy House Minority Leader Israel O’Quinn, R-Washington, said that Republicans plan to seize on a lagging enthusiasm among Democratic voters this year in order to flip the House in 2025.

Del. Israel O’Quinn, R-Washington, speaks on the floor of the House of Delegates. (Ned Oliver/Virginia Mercury)

“These races are going on a race-by-race and a candidate-by-candidate basis, that’s why you have to put the work into the recruitment of quality candidates and make sure that you’re competitive in these really tight 50-50 House districts,” O’Quinn said.

In 2020, Democrat Joe Biden won 60 out of 100 House of Delegates seats, and in the following year Democrats were able to capitalize on 51 of those, O’Quinn added. “I think Kamala Harris won 59 this year, so they’re going to have to run the table on all 51 to be able to continue to hold on to the majority, and I think we’re going to be very competitive there.”

And less than one year before Virginia’s 2025 gubernatorial election and more than six months before the party primaries, the contest is effectively set, with two high-profile candidates leading the major-party tickets.

On the Democratic side, U.S. Rep. Abigail Spanberger, D-Prince William, was the first to announce her bid in November of last year, positioning herself as a centrist with a focus on pragmatic leadership. Outgoing Richmond Mayor Levar Stoney, followed suit one month later, but in April he opted to pursue the lieutenant governor’s seat instead, streamlining Spanberger’s path to the nomination.

For Republicans, Lt. Gov. Winsome Earle-Sears emerged as the party’s standard-bearer after Attorney General Jason Miyares declared on Monday he would seek reelection rather than enter the governor’s race. Earle-Sears, who launched her campaign in September, is set to carry the GOP banner unopposed, benefiting from Miyares’ decision to focus on being reelected into his current role.

But despite her re-embrace of Trump as the Republican presidential nominee, the lieutenant governor’s campaign may still be haunted by her remarks from November 2022, when she publicly urged Americans to move on from the former president.

“A true leader understands when they have become a liability. A true leader understands that it’s time to step off the stage. And the voters have given us that very clear message,” Earle-Sears said in a TV interview at the time.

Richards, the political science professor, said that he expects the damning remarks to be brought up by political action committees aligned with Spanberger during the gubernatorial election cycle as a way to undermine Earle-Sears with Republicans.

“She will need to make up quickly with Trump. Had Trump lost she would have been able to brush off her previous comments, but now she will need his support,” Richards said.

“I suspect she will try to make nice. Her bigger hurdle will be convincing independent voters in Virginia she is not too extreme. Virginia is a purple state, and when it votes for the GOP it likes moderate-facing candidates, which is why Youngkin was careful to present himself that way in 2021.”

A spokesman for Earle-Sears’ campaign declined to provide comment for this story.

There is little doubt that the match-up between Spanberger and Earle-Sears promises to be a defining battle of contrasting visions for Virginia’s future. Spanberger’s track record as a moderate in Congress and Earle-Sears’ bold embrace of conservative policies ensure the race will draw national attention.

Spanberger’s “2025 campaign will continue to be laser-focused on the priorities that all Virginians share — stronger schools, safer communities, and lower costs,” campaign spokesman Connor Joseph said “And following the election of former President Trump, she also knows that Virginia must have a governor who is committed to protecting the rights and fundamental freedoms of all Virginians.”

Ernest McGowen, an associate professor at the Department of Political Science at the University of Richmond, said that Earle-Sears will likely face an uphill battle in a state that has increasingly voted for Democrats in statewide elections.

“Earle-Sears may be a little too far right. If you look at Tim Kane and the kind of people that he had to run against, I think it may be kind of a similar situation,” McGowen said, referring to the Democratic U.S. senator from Virginia who has won his two reelection bids by fending of challenges from Republican nominees whose far-right positions have helped their primary campaigns but hurt their chances of winning a general election.

“Also, Spanberger is more of a known commodity,” McGowen said. “If the Democrats in their election postmortem decide that their current ideological median isn’t isn’t where they thought it should be, I could see them actually really get behind Spanberger as not the new face of the party, but as someone to show the diversity of thought in the party.”

The 2025 race for Virginia’s attorney general is also starting to take form, with three candidates having officially declared their bids.

After securing Gov. Glenn Youngkin’s endorsement just moments after his announcement Monday, Miyares is unlikely to face a challenger for his party’s nomination. If reelected, the incumbent has vowed to focus on public safety and his record combating fentanyl and violent crime during a second term.

For Democrats, the field features a competitive primary between former Del. Jay Jones, who previously ran in 2021, and Henrico County Commonwealth’s Attorney Shannon Taylor. Jones has criticized Miyares for what he calls a “partisan agenda,” while Taylor has emphasized her decades of experience as a prosecutor dedicated to justice and public safety.

The lieutenant governor’s contest, however, remains wide open almost one year out.

James City County business consultant and U.S. Navy veteran John Curran — who ran unsuccessfully for the Board of Supervisors in 2023 — is the only Republican who has filed his paperwork to date, but the Democratic field is more crowded.

Besides Stoney, three additional candidates are vying for their party’s nomination: state Sens. Ghazala Hashmi, D-Chesterfield, and Aaron Rouse, D-Virginia Beach; and Babur Lateef, the former chairman of the Prince William County School Board.

But officials from both parties agree on one thing — the 2025 elections will likely serve as a referendum on Trump’s second term and provide a key barometer for the 2026 midterms and beyond.

“It goes without saying that the Democrats will definitely be energized, because they have an intense dislike for President Trump,” said Anderson, the RPV chair. “The challenge for Republicans next year is being smarter and better equipped in 2025 than maybe we were in 2017, when we lost all those seats in the House of Delegates.”

And House Speaker Scott expressed confidence in his party’s ability to harness its base’s enthusiasm and channel it into meaningful action.

“We will stand up and we will fight, and I think the majority of Virginians will stand with us and push back against this administration,” Scott said. “I think that next year’s election will be that type of referendum on Donald Trump’s administration.”

Virginia Mercury is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Virginia Mercury maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Samantha Willis for questions: info@virginiamercury.com. Follow Virginia Mercury on Facebook and X.