Cleveland Free Times

The Young and the Plastic

Oh, Greta, we hardly knew you. When you were just a legal commentator on CNN, we took comfort in the fact that your face was not a "TV face." Your mouth drooped, your hair hung lank and uncombed, and somehow it made us trust you. We focused on the words you were saying, not how you looked saying them. It reminded us of the early days of television, when the news was delivered by graying men in glasses, chosen not for their babe-magnetude, but for their authoritative demeanor. Greta, when we saw you talking about the O.J. Simpson trial, we thought, "There's a woman who's so smart she doesn't have to think about her looks." And we loved you for it.

How disheartening it was to find out that our heroine, Greta Van Susteren, is as vain and shallow as the rest of us. That she spends her leisure time not musing on writs of habeas corpus, but gazing in the mirror and wondering: Hot or Not?

During the month-long interim between leaving CNN and starting her new job as an anchor for Fox News, Greta looked up from her Sunday newspaper and asked her husband, "Should I get rid of these bags under my eyes?" Though her husband gallantly assured her that she "always looks 25" to him, the 47-year-old underwent blepharoplasty, an eye lift that rendered her virtually unrecognizable. Her eyes, once drooping and baggy but undeniably real, now reside somewhere near her ears, and she has a tight, expressionless look. Her face looks younger, yes, but it doesn't look like her.

"I don't think it was a very good job," observes Dr. Janet Blanchard, a plastic surgeon. "She looks better, but her eyes are still crinkly or something."

The attention given to Greta's new and "improved" look, and her willingness to speak candidly about it, is part of a growing trend. Not only are more people getting plastic surgery, more people are talking about it. A lot. And it isn't just show-business freaks like Joan Rivers, Cher, Michael Jackson and Britney, or bizarre, divorced socialites like Ivana Trump and Jocelyne Wildenstein who are flaunting their eye jobs, face lifts, breast lifts, face peels and Botox injections. It's everyone. Once a source of shame and ridicule, going under the knife has become just another thing you do to make yourself feel better, like buying a new lipstick. "You have to realize this was not a huge decision," Van Susteren told People magazine. "Not like choosing a law school."

To many, the most disturbing part of plastic surgery's new acceptability is the rise in teenagers wanting to reshape their faces and bodies. In 1996, patients 18 and younger accounted for less than 1 percent of cosmetic procedures performed annually; last year, it was 3 percent. The teens are seeking nose reshaping, breast augmentation and liposuction, thinking of them as quick solutions to their adolescent self-image problems. The Federal Food and Drug Administration has guidelines setting 18 as the minimum age for cosmetic breast implant surgery, and the American Society of Plastic Surgeons last year issued recommendations for teenagers considering cosmetic surgery, which include determining the patient's physical and emotional maturity. All the Cleveland-area surgeons we talked to follow these guidelines.

Magazine articles and TV talk shows have sounded the alarm, warning of hordes of teenage girls beating tear-stained paths to plastic surgeons' doors, begging to be morphed into Britney Spears or Pamela Anderson, and adolescent boys demanding Baywatch-style six-pack abs. Some plastic surgeons have claimed that after rumors surfaced about Ms. Spears' splendid new rack, they saw a rise in teen requests for breast implants.

Every generation has its "teens are out of control" phenomenon, whether it's drag racing, rock and roll, drugs, body piercing, tattoos or cosmetic surgery. Is teen plastic surgery a real epidemic, or a media-generated scare? The numbers have clearly been exaggerated. New York plastic surgeon Dr. David Rapaport, appearing on the CBS Early Show, explained that while the absolute number of teens seeking plastic surgery has increased slightly, the proportion -- relative to the overall population of plastic surgery patients -- has actually decreased. Much of the reported "evidence" of the mania for teen surgery is anecdotal. There was the widely publicized story about Jenna Franklin, a British teen whose parents promised her new breasts for her 16th birthday, something she had longed for since she was 12. (The surgeon her parents hired refused, saying "at 16 the breast isn't mature enough, and there are a lot of psychological implications.")

Then there was the cautionary tale -- probably apocryphal -- of a 19-year-old who wanted her "eye wrinkles" fixed. The surgeon balked, and the girl had the procedure done elsewhere, only to return to the first doctor to repair the ghastly results. Daytime talk shows have stoked the supposed phenomenon: According to a survey, the sexy, ratings-grabbing topic of teenage plastic surgery has been the focus of more than 200 Oprah, Sally Jessy Raphael, Ricki Lake and Jerry Springer shows ("I Want Bigger Breasts But My Parents Won't Let Me!") since 1997.

Kate, 17, says her classmates aren't stampeding cosmetic surgeons' offices. "People talk about it, saying they want liposuction or a nose job, but I don't know how many are actually doing it." Kate had a nose job at 16 -- "I always thought my nose was out of proportion" -- and is thrilled with the results. She thinks plastic surgery is a good idea for some young people. "If it's gonna change your confidence, it's worth it."

In the midwest, plastic surgeons say they haven't seen a huge increase in the number of teenagers seeking cosmetic procedures, perhaps because those parts of the country -- compared to New York and California -- are fairly conservative. "In California, it's common to see teenagers getting breast augmentation for a graduation present," says Dr. Brian Windle, an Ohio plastic surgeon. "It's not that common in this market."

Plastic surgeon Dr. George Picha thinks the furor over teenage cosmetic surgery is an overreaction. "Some of [those counted] are teens having cleft lips and palates and other facial defects corrected," he says. It's a stark contrast from Brazil and Colombia, where, Dr. Picha remarks, "girls of 14 or so get cosmetic surgery for birthday presents."

All the doctors we spoke to said they won't perform a breast augmentation on anyone under 18. "They're too young to make a decision," says plastic surgeon Dr. Gregory Fedele. "And there's a good chance there will be changes in the breasts." Rhinoplasty, or nose jobs, are another story: generally, they can be performed at age 16 or so. Surgeons in more conservative areas fully assess young patients' physical and psychological maturity before deciding whether to perform surgery. "Most 14- or 15-year-olds are not ready to handle a surgical procedure," Dr. Fedele says. "Surgery is very stressful -- even for doctors having surgery."

Even if the number of teenagers getting their breasts enlarged and their thighs defatted is still relatively low, many more young people are thinking about surgery as an instant solution to their problems and a fast track to popularity. Tamara Singh, Psy.D., a psychologist who treats adolescents with body-image problems and eating disorders, thinks today's teenagers are more likely to think of cosmetic surgery as a way to bolster their precarious self-esteem.

"In the teen years, kids are pretty emotional, and it's hard for them to separate the emotion from the rationale for doing it," says Dr. Singh. "They think it will be a quick fix. It's a dangerous way to resolve anxiety. It perpetuates low self-esteem." Teens whose parents who are especially image-conscious are more at risk for eating disorders or unnecessary plastic surgery, adds Dr. Singh. She further believes that images in magazines and on television of starved models with perfect, airbrushed complexions make teenagers perceive themselves as flawed. "We have a media culture that pushes extreme slenderness, the ideal woman or man. Even eating disorders are glamorized. We have to tell adolescents that we're all perfect, interesting and unique."

Try telling that to Cindy Jackson, who devoted years of her life and a small fortune to have dozens of operations to look like her childhood ideal: Barbie. "When I was 6 years old, my parents bought me a Barbie doll," Jackson writes on her website, www.cindyjackson.com. "In my imagination, I dreamed of a happy and glamorous life for my doll. Through Barbie, I could glimpse an alternate destiny."

Pamela Zoslov is the Arts Editor of Cleveland Free Times.

Detained

Ohio was supposed to be their first taste of freedom.

All Israelis enter the military at 18, and getting out of the service is generally their first experience away from the authority of parents and ranking officers. Traditionally, many Israelis take a year or so to travel and let off steam before starting college or a career, working and playing their way through interesting places like Thailand, Brazil, and ... Findlay, Ohio.

In a small city in northwest Ohio, 11 twentysomething Israelis, recently discharged from the military, would have made for exotic neighbors: sharply dressed, their hair styled in wild curls and long sideburns, their speech a tangle of gutturals, their various complexions ranging from pale and freckled to dark Sephardic olive. Eleven of them in three apartments would not have helped the impression they may have made in this rural corner of the state, that they were possibly a terrorist cell.

Or maybe they somehow spooked shoppers at the malls at which they worked, since Americans had been warned that malls were potential terrorist targets. Who tipped off the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) -- if it was in fact a tip-off -- is not known, but on the morning of October 31, only a few weeks after the Israelis had come to Ohio, the FBI and INS raided their apartments.

"We figured it was a mistake, so we sat really calm," says Ori Ben Tur, a 22-year-old from Haifa who was in Findlay with his girlfriend, one of two women in the group. They were told not to bother bringing a change of clothes or anything to read, and then whisked away to INS district offices in Cleveland.

The INS "had lots of paperwork to do," says Liran Diamant, a ponytailed 24-year-old from a small town north of Tel Aviv. "It wasn't interrogation. It was just a few questions. It seemed like they already knew what they had to know."

For most of that first day, the Israelis were under the impression that they would be able to return to Findlay soon enough. Ben Tur says that he didn't get nervous until after a night in Broadview Heights city jail, when they were all given orange jumpsuits to wear and then cuffed at the wrists and ankles. The restraints remained in place even in the holding cells and for meals.

"No one was protecting us," Ben Tur says. "No one knows we are there." They also were not allowed to make international calls home with their calling cards.

It was the worst kind of limbo. They weren't given bond, nor were they going to be deported. "They said they needed to keep us in jail for some reason, and didn't say why," says Ben Tur. In their frustration, the detainees begged to be asked questions, but for Ben Tur and Diamant, at least, the FBI interrogations were brief, 15 minutes to half an hour.

"We just wanted to do everything in order to help," says Diamant. "If the FBI looked for something, we wanted them to find it."

Allegedly, the Israeli 11 violated their visas by selling toy helicopters and other holiday gift items at nearby shopping malls for Quality Sales, a Miami-based retail company. Tom Dean, an attorney for Quality Sales, says the year-old company, owned by a young Israeli couple, covered living expenses. In exchange, the Israelis would work at mall kiosks as unpaid "trainees" for six months, with the ability to transfer to other cities where Quality Sales operates.

While the INS said that this kind of work was out of bounds, it also designated their cases "special interest," indicating that the arrest was related to the domestic terror sweep.

The Israelis were brought to the Federal Building in Cleveland for processing, where the INS deviated from custom and refused to grant them bond. After two weeks in local jails, a federal immigration judge ordered their release, citing a lack of any evidence that they presented a threat to the community. Despite the order, the INS succeeded in holding two of the Israelis for a full month.

As far as it is possible to ascertain, the Israeli 11 account for most of the terror-related suspects detained in the Cleveland area for any duration. More significantly, the two Israelis held for a month were the first in the country subjected to a new federal rule -- quietly entered into the books just days before their arrest -- that allows law enforcement officials to effectively overrule immigration judges. Essentially, the rule change makes the facts of a case irrelevant; and this is just one of the many traditional safeguards of defendants' rights that have been sacrificed in the interests of national security since the terror attacks.

"This was the first time in my career that I could not explain to a client why they were being held in detention," says the Israelis' attorney, David Leopold, who heads Case Western Reserve University's immigration law program, and chairs the state bar of immigration attorneys. "I could not and still can't. It just doesn't make sense."

The FBI never bothered to present any evidence to support their stated suspicions of the Findlay Israelis -- not even when the immigration judge offered to hear the evidence in secret. The best the Israelis themselves can figure, the INS checked on their work status after the owner of their building complex noticed funny names on their leases.

Tom Dean, the attorney for Quality Sales, says that while the FBI claimed the company itself was under investigation -- one stated reason for the Israelis' detention -- the agency showed no interest in questioning the company's owners, or seeing a list of employees or any other information Quality Sales could provide.

Needless to say, Israeli Jews, the one group of people whom al-Qaeda conspirators and Osama bin Laden hate even more than they hate Americans, make for surprising suspects. Or, at least, rare ones. According to U.S. Attorney General John Ashcroft's latest update, the domestic terror probe has filtered 1,200 people in and out of detention, with thousands of "interviews" with Arab and South Asian immigrants underway. As of Nov. 27, about half of those 1,200 past or current detainees were in custody on alleged immigration violations, nearly all of them, it is purported, citizens of countries in South Asia, North Africa or the Middle East. News reports inform us that among them, about 60 Israeli Jews were detained nationwide.

It may very well be that these detentions are evidence that the FBI's effort to investigate terrorism is no more carefully targeted than mass racial profiling will allow. But it is difficult to conclude much of anything about the secret terror investigation when courtrooms are closed to reporters, cases don't appear on the official docket, the Justice Department won't release the identities of detainees or comment in any way, and only random chance or an attorney determines whether the details of a case can even be known.

All that happened to the Israelis in those first days occurred in the absence of legal representation. Immigration cases are considered civil, not criminal, matters, and so, the right to counsel isn't an absolute right. If poor or unconnected detainees can't find adequate counsel, the court isn't going to provide one. That's one major reason why, even in normal circumstances, many, if not most, detainees don't have representation.

After Sept. 11, it became even more difficult.

The Justice Department withheld the names of detainees, so groups like the American Civil Liberties Union that want to represent those caught in the dragnet have been forced to sue to discover identities. Luckily for the Israelis, at least one of them had sufficient American connections to be able to retain Leopold's help.

If many of the Israelis at first hesitated to retain an attorney, it was because they were told that they would be processed more quickly if they didn't. When they began to sense that their captors were in no hurry to move the process along, those who hadn't already done so asked Leopold -- who had been contacted by the uncle of one the detainees -- to represent them as well.

The nine men were soon moved to Medina County Jail. Diamant thinks the INS and FBI were slow-moving, rude, and unresponsive "jerks," but the jail population paid them no mind, he says, and for jail it wasn't that bad. They had easy access to Leopold, and the mother of Oren Behr, one of the two men held for month, was even able to visit her son; she flew in from Israel and rented a room at a hotel in nearby Lodi.

All just wanted to get out and get back to Israel, but after initially refusing bond, the INS -- most likely taking orders from Washington, says Leopold -- began to delay their bond hearings.

An immigration case may be civil, says Leopold, but "it looks criminal, it feels criminal, it acts criminal ... People can be locked up on basically no evidence. The mere allegation of an immigration violation can give someone the power to lock someone up indefinitely."

Leopold says it didn't take long after Sept. 11 before he received the first clue of the massive domestic dragnet to come. He was representing a drug offender from Central America who had been detained by the INS. Within days of the terror attacks, the detainee was freed, far sooner than normally could have been expected. He says it was as if they couldn't release his client fast enough.

For the next two months, holding cells across the country were needed for the roundup of people who might be linked to terrorist activity. Since around the end of October, there have been indications that investigators have been getting desperate for suspects. Alleged status violators, according to a mostly uninformative Justice Dept. disclosure, only represented a small proportion of those detained in the first month of the investigation. But they represented nearly the entire increase in detainees when Ashcroft announced new numbers on Nov. 27.

Of course, overstaying a visitor's visa doesn't inspire quite the same excitement as, say, possession of a bogus license to carry hazardous materials, and one hopes that investigators' suspicions are based on something more substantial than mere visa technicalities. There is little evidence that this is the case. Two weeks ago, senior law enforcement officials told The New York Times that only about a dozen, or 2 percent, of the immigration-related detainees "are believed to have terrorist ties."

Diamant and Ben Tur were the only members of the group of Israelis who would talk to the Free Times about their experience. The others were either uncomfortable with their English skills, worried about saying something that would get them in trouble, or simply tired of the whole ordeal. Towards the end of his interview, conducted just a few days before he was to fly back to Israel, Ben Tur grew increasingly anxious.

"If someone came to your apartment and put you in jail for two weeks," says Ben Tur, "you'd be a careful guy. A month ago, I wouldn't think something like this could happen to me. I don't want to say something stupid. I'm afraid of the INS. Maybe I'm paranoid. What can I say? They arrested me. Maybe they can do it again?" Both referred questions about the alleged immigration violations to their attorney.

"All of them had valid visas," says Leopold. "None of them entered the country illegally, none of them." At issue, according to each document of charges, was work status, whether or not the visitor's visa each possessed allowed them to work the mall kiosks.

"These kids, if anything, were victimized by Quality Sales," says Leopold. "They were all led to believe that they had the right visas."

Tom Dean, Quality Sales' attorney, doesn't dispute that the Israelis thought their visas were adequate. Quality Sales thought so, too, based on bad legal advice given to the company's owners by a previous immigration attorney who incorporated Quality Sales last year and established its structure. The advice was based on wording in immigration rules that allows visitors to be unpaid "trainees." Dean says Quality Sales has abandoned the arrangement, but says that it's very similar to one that many other retail companies around the country use. It's good for the companies, for obvious reasons, and it's good for the Israeli "trainees" who are able to travel inexpensively in the U.S.

The Findlay Israelis did not want to fight over visitor status; they just wanted to go home. So when Leopold first got involved, he says, he made a handshake deal with INS that the Israelis would depart voluntarily for Israel. This involved accepting the charges as they appeared on the documents (although Leopold still questions whether the allegations would have stuck). If it were a criminal trial, one might call it a plea bargain, with the defendants agreeing to leave the country within 30 days.

But then came the hearing delays. The INS and FBI said they didn't have enough agents to investigate and needed more time, says Leopold. Then, when the hearing took place, the feds argued that Quality Sales was being investigated. No evidence was presented to the federal immigration judge, Elizabeth Hacker, that the Israelis represented a threat, or that Quality Sales was up to no good.

"I can understand when you're talking about somebody with evidence of terrorist involvement, you know, you need to use the custody rules," says Leopold. "But here, what really stuns me is that the government was given every opportunity. This judge ... bent over backwards, in my opinion, to the government to bring in any shred of evidence of terrorist activity, national security threat or public harm. I guarantee that if there was any evidence backing the government claim that this was a 'special interest' case, she would never have given bond. No way."

Judge Hacker gave bond to all 11 Israelis, and on Nov. 16 the first nine left jail. Leopold made his Beachwood home available as a crash pad. "The government called it 'special interest,' so we took a special interest," he comments. Two Israelis, however, would remain at Medina County Jail after the INS appealed their bond release. This was when the recent, unpublicized change in immigration rules, which made immigration judges and case facts irrelevant, became known.

Attorney Dean says Quality Sales only got into the mix after the Israelis in Findlay, and six Israeli trainees in Kansas City, Mo., were picked up by the INS. Quality Sales itself was never investigated. Dean says he traveled to Cleveland to meet with the INS and FBI, but when he sat down with the INS, he was told the FBI had begged off. "They didn't care ... I was informed the FBI wasn't interested in hearing about it."

Dean says the INS told him it was concerned that "maybe individuals related to a terrorist organization may have inserted one or more individuals into an organization like Quality Sales."

Dean also says that when he offered to hand over Quality Sales files, including the names of everyone who had worked for the company, they "didn't want to see that, didn't want to see anything."

A confused Dean called up other immigration attorneys and the Israeli consulate to brainstorm reasons why Israeli Jews were being caught up in the terror dragnet. The only reason they could come up with was that the FBI was seriously entertaining the crazy theories found on the internet and in the popular press in many Islamic countries, that Israeli intelligence masterminded the Sept. 11 attacks.

"That was the only thing we could scrape up," he relates.

Another theory held that the FBI was worried that Israeli intelligence was spreading out over the U.S.

"It defies logic," comments Leopold. "Any suggestion that Israeli intelligence interests would place a group of Israelis living openly in the middle of rural Ohio is ridiculous ...You can suggest and you can allege whatever you want, in any case, at any time. Whether it makes any sense is another story."

"Israel is a big friend of the U.S.," says Ori Ben Tur, both angered and baffled. "We're the only democracy in the Middle East. Did you know there was a memorial day [there] for Sept. 11? So why suspect Israel? We're fighting terrorism every day."

The situation put the Israelis in an unusual position. They are critical of new American methods of dealing with domestic terrorism, when it's Israel that's often criticized on similar grounds.

"It's totally different issue, yeah?" says Diamant. "It's a different conflict. If you talk about civil liberties, Israel at the moment is better than the U.S., no question about it. It's very problematic now to be a foreigner in the U.S., and Israel is not like that." When the question is narrowed to the Israeli/ Palestinian conflict, Diamant says, "I'm not a politician, I can't answer you about it."

At a Nov. 27 hearing at the Federal Building, all 11 got the voluntary departure for which Leopold had already settled, and that night, the last two were released from Medina County Jail, Oren Behr into the waiting arms of his mom.

While the FBI never clarified how these last two were different than the other nine, they were to remain under "safeguard order." "I have no idea what that means," says Leopold. The INS wouldn't return a call for comment.

Many of the Israelis were planning to leave the country within days, and were frantic to sell their cars and put their affairs in order. But the evening of Nov. 27, the same day the FBI released its grip, several of them had Cavs tickets and were going to see Michael Jordan, back from retirement to play for the Washington Wizards. Liran Diamant said it was a lifelong dream of his. But Jordan, the great American icon, was no longer on his game, and the next day Diamant expressed his deep disappointment.

The largest investigation in American history has disregarded many of what are now called the "niceties" of due process and traditional judicial transparency. Most of us would agree that this makes sense when talking about people held on a reasonable suspicion of taking part in terrorist activity. But what if there is no reasonable suspicion?

As a matter of law, the rights of non-citizens under the Constitution are much more limited than they are for citizens, but rights do exist. And guarding the spirit of the Constitution is another matter.

"It's egregious to hold people for a month, when it's pretty clear within a matter of hours that none of them is a threat to anybody at all, period," says Leopold. "And that shouldn't be happening in this country, and particularly not happening at this time, when there need to be people who need to be investigated pretty carefully. Why waste time on people who obviously have nothing to do with September 11?"

When Leopold passionately argues that suspecting Israelis of terrorism against the U.S. is silly and wasteful, he's not at the same time arguing that the roundup of non-Jewish visitors from the Middle East and South Asia -- representing the vast majority of investigation targets -- makes sense. On the contrary, he suggests that the experience of the Findlay Israelis may shed some light on the possibly minimal standards being used to incarcerate most everybody. In other words, the exception may prove to be the rule.

These days, civil liberties are no longer considered the weave of the American fabric; they are shiny medals to be put away when dress grays are exchanged for camouflage. Civil libertarians are spoken of as an obsessive cult. Yet even those who weigh in favor of "national security" should be concerned. As Leopold suggests, when FBI agents use the strict letter of immigration law, rather than the spirit of Constitutional law, to jail people blindly and then keep them there arbitrarily, no matter their country of origin, the agency is also wasting valuable investigative manpower and financial resources better used elsewhere.

But even worse is the possibility that, by only ringing up the number of detainees, and not allowing us to judge for ourselves how weak the cases may very well be, the Justice Department plays a public relations game designed to make Americans feel more secure than we really are. And in a war without definite objective, and therefore possibly without end, we may be kept in the dark for a long time.

"It's a shame that America can consider itself a big democracy," says Ori Ben Tur. "It became a big bureaucracy."

David Morton is the news editor at Cleveland Free Times.

Headz-Up

Headz-Up
The harried look on Belinda Simmons face is a more telling sign of her husbands success than the Mercedes with the vanity plates reading "Landry" parked in the drive. She wears a mask of strained patience as she hefts groceries unaided while her preoccupied spouse sits at the kitchen table beneath a framed map of the United States dotted with push pins. The most unlikely towns are skewered. Red Bluff, Iowa. Junction City, Kansas. To most, these hamlets are little more than rest stops, places to empty bladders and fill tanks, maybe cop a Big Gulp. To Landry Simmons, however, they're rap-craving cash cows ready to be rendered filets.

"My brother went to college in Winona, Minnesota, St. Marys College," Simmons says. "We're driving through [the Midwest] this is about a year-and-a-half ago I stop and get some gas, and kids are playing hip-hop. Everywhere I go, I'm hearing hip-hop, even in Iowa, and Im hearing old stuff. So I ask one of the kids, Wheres the new stuff at? Whats going on with the new stuff? All these people there dont even know whats going on. They're playing old stuff because none of these big labels are out there pushing anything. They don't care about that."

But Simmons does. As head of the fledgling Simmons Time Records, his plan is to serve what he labels "dry areas," broad swathes of the Midwest and Upper Plains from Iowa to Idaho that fall outside major-label marketing zones. Due to the spread-out populace of these regions, it's difficult for majors to market these locales, and ultimately not very cost-effective; thus, they largely get ignored. To Simmons, these regions are his bread and butter. He hits all the towns that no one else does.

"I don't care if theyre in the mountains of Utah, I'd like to be the first one there, like Christopher Columbus. I'm putting my mark right here and here and here," Simmons says, poking at the map. "It's going everywhere. I'm trying to find out whats hip-hop in South Dakota and North Dakota, because it's going there."

Three years ago, Simmons, a lifelong hip-hop fan, invested $300 to record an album by a trio of rappers the Hellish Made Clique that he heard rhyming in a friends living room. A deputy at the 1st District sheriffs office, Simmons initiated the project as little more than a hobby. Disappointed by the production of the album, he decided to put it on the Internet, hoping that would mask some of the sound flaws. A year after the debut from HMC was finished, Simmons unexpectedly got a check in the mail for $4,700. Then a pile more. The next thing he knew, the band was getting over 1,500 downloads a week, mostly from people in towns as unheard of as a correctly pronounced multi-syllable word from George Ws maw, places where the Internet was the kids only access to rap.

The fan mail mounted as did Belindas sighs as Landry would spend between five and eight hours a night sifting through letters, after putting in a full shift at the squadron. Soon, HMC was garnering enough hits to land at No. 6 on Rolling Stones MP3 charts earlier this year, above Eminem. All of a sudden, Simmons had sold 8,000 copies of a record at $10 apiece, and become more famous than Slim Shady in places like Clinton, South Carolina.

"The regular corporate structure is so impersonal, they don't get to know the artist. You can come to me, call me anytime. I'm more like a homey than an executive. I want to meet their mothers, their family, their kids it's going to be a family bond."
Last week, Simmons shipped 45,000 units of his second project, the debut from rapper Canis, with a firm belief that the album will sell over 100,000 copies based on initial feedback and demand, a potential $1 million windfall from a $3,000 investment. Returns like that would surely remove the slack from Charles Schwabs britches.

Two hundred blocks removed, in the Glanton kitchen, fat burgers and fatter rappers are whats cooking. As she chars artery-impeding patties, Margaret Glanton recalls whetting a different appetite: the hunger for hip-hop that has burned in her son Marlons belly since she first put Fat Boys wax in his hands a decade-and-a-half ago. A precocious Marlon would start rhyming soon thereafter; it was only a matter of time before the labels came knocking.

"Remember that time he called the house? We couldn't believe it was Eazy-E. We were all sitting around the phone like they did a long time ago," his mother recalls with a laugh. The late rap icon was looking to add her son to his Ruthless Records roster in the early 90s. But Eazy's HIV-induced illness and eventual death would shelve Marlons signing. He would later negotiate with Arista and MCA, only to find himself taken advantage of in notoriously bad deals that would make the land-swiping Dutch blush at least they threw in some plastic beads.

"I done been burnt so many times by this industry, man, I'm real jaded. That John Hancock can get you in a lot of trouble," Marlon says from a plush maroon recliner in his crowded living room, as Jay-Z struts across the television screen.

Frustrated by chasing cheese in the major-label maze, Marlon Glanton launched his own label, Execution Entertainment, in 1994, setting out to instill in his business what he found to be lacking in the majors: Trust. Support. Kinship.

"Everybody on my label is related to me, just about, so I could never mistreat my family. I couldn't sleep at night doing that," Glanton says. "But even if I do choose to sign from somebody outside my camp, I just really want to establish a personal relationship. The regular corporate structure is so impersonal, they don't get to know the artist. You can come to me, call me anytime. I'm more like a homey than an executive. I want to meet their mothers, their family, their kids it's going to be a family bond."

And this bond has paid dividends. Glanton's latest album, with the thugged-out Thieveland, moved over 20,000 units. He's sold close to 40,000 copies of his three releases combined, contributing significantly to the current groundswell in Cleveland hip-hop.

With a trio of artists charting in the top 10 of the Billboard Hip-Hop/R&B singles charts this year, selling well over 100,000 records between them, in addition to a handful of other acts shifting units by the tens of thousands, eyes are on Cleveland as the next potential epicenter of hip-hop. The first tremors have already been made by men like Glanton and Simmons. These diamond-studded Davids blinding the major-label Goliaths, not with any stone but from the bling of their rings, are working to elevate Cleveland to a seat of national prominence in hip-hop, as well as recast traditional power structures within the music industry along the way.

It all started in the trunk of Percy Millers ride. With a $10,000 inheritance from his grandfather, this New Orleans native opened his own record store, No Limit Records, in 1989. Gaining firsthand knowledge of the tastes of the streets working as a retailer, Miller decided to try his hand as an artist, releasing his debut, The Ghettos Trying to Kill Me, under the Master P moniker in 1991. He quickly gained infamy by moving 100,000 copies without any major distribution, selling records from the trunk of his car. After following his first effort with an EP that sold another 200,000 records, the major labels predictably came calling.

But unlike the hip-hop impresarios that preceded him, such as Russell Simmons and Sean "Puffy" Combs, Miller somewhat surprisingly eschewed the majors. Instead, he inked a lucrative, and largely unprecedented, straight press-and-distribution deal with indie Priority Records, which gave him a hefty 85 percent of gross revenue. By 1998, No Limit had exploded with a slew of hit albums from Master P and his brothers, rappers Silkk The Shocker and C-Murder, among others, all similarly packaged in the labels trademark gaudy, retina-watering covers. No Limit sold over 26 million albums, paving the way for home-state doppelgngers Cash Money to become fellow millionaires. In 1998 alone, Miller himself reportedly earned over $400 million.

But much more significant than the financial gains that these two labels and their crews have accrued is the unfiltered expression that they secured. Of course, the gangsta lifestyle that the No Limit camp espoused had long been represented in rap, ever since N.W.A. dropped its incendiary sophomore effort in 1988 but it was usually under the watchful eye of label higher-ups and corporate CEOs of an often different color. They traditionally had the final say about how the art of another culture would be marketed and presented to the public, if at all.

No Limit and Cash Money, however, won unfettered freedom over how they chose to portray themselves and their people, bringing unencumbered African-American expression into the mainstream. These labels created their own representations of the African American, instead of accepting others. While many debate whether or not these representations are positive, the fact that these labels have earned a degree of self-determination is a victory in and of itself.

But for all the battles No Limit and Cash Money have won, the gold-plated "big baller" sounds the two have popularized are beginning to lose their luster. No Limit has already begun to fade from the limelight, charting but one album in the top 10 of the Billboard 200 this year, while one of its biggest stars, Mystikal, jumped ship to release his latest wildly successful release on a straight major, Jive Records. Cash Money is still sizzling, but it too is showing signs of slowing down, and one of the most likely reasons is how virtually impossible it is for individuals to truly connect with their output. On a personal level, audiences have a tough time relating to the unfathomable wealth and incessant boasting of these artists; their lives bear no resemblance to the champagne-guzzling revelry of Cash Money, and they're obviously going to tire sooner or later of being reminded of this fact.

"I think it's going to turn back to the real essence of hip-hop, where it was more meaningful rap," says Cleveland rapper Jahari, whose latest album boasts collaborations with such luminaries as Too $hort and Eightball. "I know it's going to turn back, but it's going to take strong artists to cut the string. The bling-bling era came along so strong, that it came on and knocked out all the other artists that was talking about important issues."

"You cant keep talking about what you got and how rich you are and the expensive cars you have when you got my brothers out here starving for a hamburger," says Cleveland writer Tony Franklin, a contributor to Rap Sheet, one of the nations most renowned hip-hop publications. "Thats gonna play out. Its just like on a professional level with the sports: Each little label gets its chance to run, then your run is over and you gotta rebuild, re-create. There's definitely going to be another sound and its definitely going to come out of the Midwest."

Stop. Hammer time. Surrounded by the 20,000 nails that hold together the studio of his label Fade Entertainment, one of the city's biggest-selling independent record companies helping to spearhead the Midwest rap charge, Mike Berry (better known as Big Gank) relishes his handiwork.

"On a personal level, audiences have a tough time relating to the unfathomable wealth and incessant boasting of these artists; their lives bear no resemblance to the champagne-guzzling revelry of Cash Money, and they're obviously going to tire sooner or later of being reminded of this fact."
"If you could see the schematics of this, you'd trip," Berry says, gesturing to his gadget-lined studio. "I never took a carpentry class, and I built this, me and my partner. We had an acoustics engineer and he gave us a plan, he would build a piece and say, Build 30 of these. Then he'd build another piece: Twenty of these. It took us six months. Two people."

Berrys hands used to get him in trouble. He did a seven-year stint in prison beginning in 1991. But now he's using those hands to lay a foundation for Cleveland hip-hop to become a cloud-nudging beacon to the Midwest. He's content to be the laborer upon whose back the structure is built, and this callused-hand ethic is paramount in Big Ganks music.

"I make music for real people, you know what I'm sayin', the everyday Joe," Berry says. "A lot of these rappers, they got the ice and they got this and that, and that's not even real. They don't really have it. I'm the blue-collar rapper. Gank will probably come around the corner any minute and sit on the porch and chop it up with you, drink a brew. You're not going to catch me in a video with 75 girls and cars, because thats not even real."

And there's little that's artificial about Gank; there's especially no sweetener. Sitting across from him is akin' to being a poodle pupil-to-pupil with a pitbull, all sinew and snarl. A proletariat wordsmith, Gank is a nine-to-five rapper who trades in elbow grease rather than Cristal, shouldering his way to the forefront of the Midwestern rap crop by what else? Skinning his nose on the grindstone.

"I remember being on the road a month, every day eatin' a Wendys french fry and a fuckin' 99-cent cheeseburger," Gank recalls of the promotional tours he did as Fade Entertainment was just getting off the ground in 1998. He made $150 a week. "Six dollars a day, I used to eat that twice a day."

Now he can afford steak. After selling an impressive 40,000 units of his debut EP, Weight of the World, two years ago, Gank moved 10,000 copies of his recently released sophomore effort, 8mm Film, in its first two weeks. This may be a show of the strength of his latest single, "Me Without a Rhyme," which has been lodged in the Billboard R&B Top 20.

And Gank isnt without brothers in arms among Cleveland independents manning the front lines in the battle to aggrandize the Rust Belt, as Cash Money and No Limit did the South. "You listen to a tape, and Busta Rhymes may start to give shout-outs. He'll say the East, hell say the West, hell say the South and then that's it," says Lifeline, a member of the nine-man hip-hop ensemble the G.I. Joes. "Like that whole chunk of land thats east of the Mississippi and north of Kentucky, that's nothing. It's just about making that become acknowledged by everybody."

"Its a war right now, between the real and the underground," comrade Billy Bravo adds.

And what better group to have manning the trenches in this skirmish than the Joes, a group whose members take their names from the combat-lusting action figures. As their pseudonyms indicate, everything about the bunch is elaborate, right down to their handshakes. As stray members file into a downtown bar, their fingers Macarena in one anothers palms. This same complexity is abundant in the band's sound. Boasting more personalities than Sybil, the collective is composed of eight disparate MCs that vary from the stoned-to-the-bone Visine rhymes of Destro to the fleet-tongued vowel movements of Dr. Mindbender. It all congeals into a Rubiks cube of rhymes puzzling, ever changing, and peerless in trend-prone Midwestern hip-hop. In a time when hip-hop jumps from one fad to the next, the G.I. Joes are all about staying one hoof ahead of the herd.

"The world would not work if everybody was a leader, that's impossible," Lifeline says. "You're always going to have one or two shepherds and the rest are going to be sheep."

The collective is featured this month in The Source magazines "Unsigned Hype," a celebrated column that profiles an up-and-coming artist each month, and which has launched the career of Biggie Smalls, among others. With thousands of submissions a year, gaining recognition in the piece is one of the more prestigious honors in underground hip-hop, and a lightning rod for attracting more attention to this city's hip-hop scene, where the thunderclaps are mounting. With boombastic Ohio playas Midwest Mafia having sold 50,000 copies of its single "So Flossy," Jahari ensconced in the R&B/Rap top 10 with his latest single and D.S.U. having a solid radio hit this past summer as well, Cleveland appears to be bubbling over with talent. So why hasn't this city broken out since twisted-tongue favorite sons Bone Thugs-N-Harmony first hit six years ago?

The answer lies largely in the conflicting aesthetics of Cleveland hip-hop. While the aforementioned acts may have a fair degree of success in common, that's about all they share, as their sounds are wildly divergent. If there's one thing this town lacks, it's an identifiable sound. Sandwiched between the coasts and the South, Cleveland is a conglomeration of all those regions sounds. Some cliques in the city embrace the New York strings-and-streets style, like the G.I. Joes, while others assimilate Southern bounce (the Midwest Mafia) or approximate West Coast g-funk (Thieveland). Such an abundance of opposing approaches in one city with a limited rap audience has created an atmosphere of antagonism among local artists. They wrangle tirelessly with one another, instead of fostering the sort of communal environment that has nurtured strong hip-hop scenes in places like New Orleans, Houston and Atlanta.

"There's too much isolation in this city; theres too much ego, to the point where I won't help you or let you know what I know because I don't want you to outdo me," says Joe Bell Sr., head of Legacy Entertainment, an artist development and management company. "In order for this city to happen, it has to have a collective consciousness. If people aren't doing anything, they double-up on ego. You ever look at some of these hip-hop records and you see where one guy brought along nine or 10 guys that were his friends and he put them all out? Thats happening everywhere. You don't make it by yourself, you really don't, and that seems to be a hard concept for people to realize in this city."

This absence of cooperation between the prominent players in Cleveland hip-hop is reflected on the airwaves, where artists and radio programmers similarly fail to see eye-to-eye, another roadblock to the further development of the local rap scene.

"The difference that sets New York apart from Cleveland or someplace else thats blowing up like the South, is the radio stations support their independents," says Crazy Dee, owner of Crazy Dees Muzik Palace and his own CDR label. "It's not just a specialty show that comes on for a couple of hours where the DJ is being pressured by the general manager to still play the hot records and only squeak in an independent every now and then. This is the situation that were in now. [93.1 FM WZAK] was just acquired by Radio One, which has [107.9 FM] so now were running in a monopoly again. [WZAK] cut out all the hip-hop situations. We will never be able to break out of this without having to go someplace else until we get the radio station to support the independent acts, and how are we going to get them to support independent acts when Radio One is stationed in D.C.? How do they know what types of problems we have had as a group of people trying to come out with music? All they know is their area.

"The music director is from Chicago, the program director is from Georgia, the mix coordinator is from Chicago, they got one mixer on there from Cleveland," continues Franklin. "They're not from Cleveland, they have no loyalty to Cleveland."

"If you want to talk about Cleveland rap artists, who've been here 15 years, 20 years, then why the fuck aren't theyre being played on WZAK?" Public Enemy frontman Chuck D asks. "Why is ZAK playing Jay-Z 10 to 15 times a day, and a Cleveland artist thats been here for 20 years, probably recording for eight years, you tell me why they're not being played? If the Cleveland scene just said you know, Fifty percent Cleveland, and 50 percent everything else, you'll see a change in the environment right here. But no, its 98 percent big business and two percent local."

But radio is in the business of making money, others are quick to point out, and if locals can create a demand for their music and in turn lure listeners, radio will play them. If not, it won't.

"The radio stations around the world pick what does well for their stations, and the audience has a big part in deciding what happens," says Sam Silk, music director for 107.9 FM. "It has to be a hit, and it's not to say that your record is not a good record. If we play everybody from Cleveland and don't play any nationals, there would not be a Z 107.9, and that's in any city. You have to keep working hard and not just say, Because I'm from Cleveland my radio station is obligated to play me."

Maybe this missing unity will come through events like the one recently held at the Euclid Tavern a mike battle where mums take more abuse than Ted Kennedys liver during happy hour. Onstage, a Potsy-esque white boy who claims he likes to "take out my balls 'cause I'm from Chagrin Falls" duels with a dread-headed rapper thinner than O.J. Simpson's alibi on a June night six years ago. Each is given two minutes to freestyle, and they quickly resort to assaulting various aspects of each others mother's anatomy, in an excoriating verbal exchange that would surely lead to dusted knuckles in any other setting. But after the contest ends and the crowd anoints Potsy the victor with their clamorous hoots, the two lock arms in a sign of mutual respect.

"I pretty much open my doors for all the forms," says Tyler Lombardo, head of TydeDown, a hip-hop promotions company that puts together such diverse bills to cultivate the missing sense of Cleveland hip-hop. "As far as fostering the unity, the only way is to get the community out. We charged five dollars for this show; if we would have charged 10 dollars we could have made money. We charge five dollars just to get people in to see, so they can walk out like, Yeah, that was cool, and they can tell their people how much of a good time they had. We have to be one army all fighting for the same cause. These people are starting to see each other at their shows a little more. You definitely have to break the ice, and I've tried to break it as much as possible with the attitudes. Cleveland is so small and people have beef so much already, where its like I pretty much wipe the slate clean and tried to start fresh with everything."

And Lombardos efforts appear to be slowly paying off.

"I see more unity than there was four years ago. What I'm doing now, I dont think I could do it four years ago," says George Goins, head of NappyHead, a production company much in the same vein as TydeDown, which puts on the Kings and Queens of the Iron Mic series. "I think some people are saying, I'm tired of doing it my way, let's try it our way. It's more we than me. I think its becoming more like that now, but it's still growing."

As are the furrows in Belinda Simmons brow. As Landrys pockets grow deeper from the rising tide of Cleveland rap, she has to share him more and more with excitable fans like Eli, a guy who calls Landry out of the blue to tell him how much they love the Hellish Made Clique in South Bend, Oregon. Before Simmons came to town, rap was pretty scarce there.

"A lot of people think when youre talking about hip-hop, you're talking about the ghetto, projects, New York, Chicago," Simmons says. "That's not hip-hop. Hip-hop is worldwide. It should be given to the world, and I'm gonna give it to them."

This article originally appeared in the Cleveland Free Times.
BRAND NEW STORIES
@2025 - AlterNet Media Inc. All Rights Reserved. - "Poynter" fonts provided by fontsempire.com.