High Noon in Honduras

By Laura Carlsen, AlterNet. Posted July 4, 2009.

On the other side are business leaders, media owners and politicians. These forces claim that the return of Zelaya with the help of the international community would constitute an unacceptable  “foreign invasion” and that the president was aiming to extend the term limit through the poll planned for the 28th. 

The armed forces have played a powerful but discreet role since overthrowing the government. As in any military coup, their actions will largely define how events play out.  So far, the top officers have formed a tight command with the civilian coup leaders. When Michelletti appeared before a pro-coup crowd, uniformed military officers stood firmly but silently in the background.

Via Campesina leader in Honduras, Rafael Alegria, said in an interview with the Americas Program that the army has blocked protesters from traveling to Tegucigalpa and other points. He added that the military could be preparing for war, “They are recruiting young people, ages 12-30 for military service. We don't know what the purpose is, but they are inciting people saying there could be a war. They are also calling out reservists and persons retired from the armed forces.”  

Intense Diplomatic Activity

The military coup in Honduras has all the sinister markings of the Cold War overthrows by dictators that characterized Latin America in the past. The president was kidnapped in the wee hours of the morning, wearing only his pajamas, and army forces occupied the streets of the small, impoverished nation.

But the world has changed since those times. The international community united across ideological lines in its condemnation, with the United States government joining the call for reinstatement of the left-leaning president.

President Obama called it a “terrible precedent” and the State Department has worked within the OAS to pressure the coup to back down and restore the rule of law.

The postponement of Zelaya’s return offers yet another possible diplomatic solution to what could turn into a violent confrontation. The OAS text condemned the coup, recognized Zelaya as the president, and called for the Secretary General to seek diplomatic solutions. Its resolution states, "Should these prove unsuccessful within 72 hours, the Special General Assembly shall forthwith invoke Article 21 of the Inter-American Democratic Charter to suspend Honduras’ membership."

The UN resolution deplores the “interrupted the democratic and constitutional order and the legitimate exercise of power in Honduras.” The text demands "the immediate and unconditional restoration of the legitimate and Constitutional Government of the President of the Republic, Mr. José Manuel Zelaya Rosales, and of the legally established authority in Honduras".

International response has also included diplomatic and economic sanctions. The European Union and virtually all Latin American countries are withdrawing their ambassadors immediately.

Central American countries closed their borders to land trade with Honduras for 48 hours and the Central American Bank has suspended loans. Robert Zoellick, head of the World Bank, announced that the Bank will “pause” lending to Honduras under the coup. The Bank had a reported $270 million in the pipeline to Honduras and is a major source of lending for the country.

U.S. Response

The Obama administration has firmly supported OAS efforts to condemn the coup and reinstate Zelaya. The coup is the first real diplomatic crisis to confront the new administration and although Honduras is a small (7.3 million pop.) and economically weak country that plays a very minor role in U.S. geopolitical strategy, the issues at stake make it a test case for a new foreign policy.

The response from Obama, and a generally on-message State Department, has already shown some major shifts from the foreign policy of his predecessor.

First, the administration broke with the ideologically defined criteria of democracy established by the Bush government.  Zelaya’s ties with Venezuela—it is a member of the nine-nation ALBA made it suspect to the Bush administration and many members still part of the U.S. diplomatic corps. By condemning the coup against Zelaya, the administration placed democratic principles above the ideological split created by the Bush administration between Latin American nations bound to alliances.

Second, the United States government has committed to working within multilateral organizations, especially the OAS, to resolve the crisis. Since before the abduction of the president, when rumors of a coup circulated and Honduran armed forces were deployed, the U.S. joined with other countries of the hemisphere to prevent the coup and later condemn it. Since then, it has allowed the OAS under Sec. General Jose Insulza to take the lead.

See more stories tagged with: obama, coup, honduras, zelaya

Laura Carlsen is a program director of the Americas Program at the Center for International Policy and a columnist for Foreign Policy in Focus.

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