Virtually the Entire Dem-Controlled Congress Supports Israel's War Crimes in Gaza

By Stephen Zunes, AlterNet. Posted January 13, 2009.

The problem is that there is still a fair amount of anti-Arab racism, which seems to take the perspective that the human rights of Palestinians somehow don't count. It's telling, for example, that Pelosi, the chief sponsor of the House resolution, has been praised by progressive publications for her "consistent support for human rights." Similarly, the late Foreign Relations Committee chairman, Rep. Tom Lantos, D-Calif., also an outspoken defender of Israeli human rights abuses, was repeatedly re-elected to chair the ironically named congressional Human Rights Caucus and was eulogized in a number of progressive periodicals following his death last year as Congress' "leading defender of human rights." (See my article Lantos' Tarnished Legacy.)

Israel would not be able to get away with its ongoing attacks against Palestinian civilians were it not for the support of the Bush administration. The Bush administration would not be able to get away with supporting these atrocities were it not being backed by the Democratic-controlled Congress, including many of its otherwise more liberal members. And the overwhelming support by congressional Democrats of Bush's stance would not be possible were it not for the continued acquiescence of the progressive community to these Democrats' embrace of his right-wing militaristic agenda in the Mideast.

Peace between Israel and Palestine may not be possible until progressive activists stop seeing members of Congress who support such resolutions as powerless victims of some mythical cabal of wealthy Jews and instead hold them just as accountable for their actions as those who took comparable right-wing positions regarding Central America or East Timor in previous years, or those who embrace such policies regarding Iraq and Iran today. Instead of protesting in front of Israeli consulates, demonstrators will need to focus their protests more on congressional offices, as well as engage in more disruptive tactics, such as sit-ins and other forms of nonviolent direct action. It may require withholding campaign contributions, supporting progressive challengers in primary races and threatening to back Green or other third-party challengers in the general election.

There are signs this may be possible. The past couple of weeks have witnessed an unprecedented outpouring of concern on the plight of the Palestinians of the Gaza Strip. In addition, while the corporate media is as biased in support of U.S. client states as ever, much of the widely read independent news/opinion Web sites -- which are increasingly important in shaping public opinion -- have had a fair amount of critical coverage. This could be significant in that the more the conflict is addressed in terms of human rights and international law, and the less it is addressed in terms of Israel versus Palestine, the less likely the debate will be dominated by those with rigid ideological agendas.

This should also help make it easier to recognize how U.S. policy is not just bad for the Palestinians, but ultimately bad for Israel as well, as Israeli militarism goaded on by U.S. politicians from Bush to Pelosi has left the Jewish state increasingly isolated in the world and has greatly contributed to the growing ranks of Islamic extremists, such as those drawn to Hamas.

And, should Barack Obama -- who has refused to join the chorus of other Democratic leaders in backing the Israeli invasion -- decide as president to finally apply some "tough love" towards Israel in the face of a hostile Congress, he is going to need the American people to back him up.

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Stephen Zunes is a professor of politics and chairman of Middle Eastern studies at the University of San Francisco and serves as a senior policy analyst for Foreign Policy in Focus.

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