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Corporate Accountability and WorkPlace

IMF's "Pro-Growth" Policies Killing Gains in Developing World

By Mark Weisbrot, AlterNet. Posted October 18, 2007.


The dirty secret is that income growth was stronger before the era of "globalization."
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Finance ministers, bankers, and businessmen will gather in Washington DC this week for the annual Fall Meetings of the International Monetary Fund and World Bank. As is customary, the IMF is publishing its analysis of the world economy, and this year it has released some research that is sure to cause controversy and provide some fuel for its critics.

The IMF found that foreign investment and technology (but not trade) were associated with an increase in inequality in developing countries.

But there is much less here than meets the eye. What the Fund has missed - and has pretended not to notice for the last quarter century - is a much more profound change in the world economy that has accompanied the set of economic reforms, including "globalization," that the Fund has forcefully advocated. Over the last twenty-six years there has been a sharp slowdown in the growth of income per person in the vast majority of low-and-middle income countries (PDF).

As would be expected when growth rates fall off, these countries have also seen substantially reduced progress on major social indicators, including life expectancy and infant and child mortality.

The Fund is taking advantage of the generalized lack of knowledge of economics and economic trends among its audience. Although the distribution of income gains is an important determinant of economic and social well-being, if income does not grow, then there is nothing to distribute. In a country as rich as the United States, one could argue about how much we might reduce poverty and unemployment, and improve the quality of life through redistribution and policy changes such as universal health care - although politically it is generally more difficult to accomplish much in these areas if the economy is stagnating. But, for the poorest countries, increasing productivity is a matter of survival, and for developing countries generally it is a necessity if they are going to be able to provide education and health care to their citizens.

Especially these days, as countering global climate disruption takes its rightful place as an urgent priority, economic growth is often seen as a problem rather than a solution. But increasing productivity - and that is basically what we are talking about when economists refer to growth in income or GDP per person - is not inherently environmentally destructive. The Internet, for example, has increased productivity while expanding the potential for environmentally-positive outcomes through telecommuting and reduced paper usage. At a more basic level, technical, organizational, and distributional changes - including land reform, and the provision of credit and seeds -- that allow poor farmers to produce more food per acre and per labor hour are also not necessarily environmentally destructive. Growth is also what the IMF and its affiliated institutions have promised that their policies would deliver - not redistribution. All the pain and "creative destruction" associated with privatizations, indiscriminate opening to trade and capital flows, more restrictive monetary and fiscal policies, and other generally unpopular reforms were supposed to increase economic growth.

But, the typical country in the middle quintile of the world income distribution (per capita income only $2,364-$4,031 in 2000 dollars) in 1960 could expect its income per person to increase by 67 percent in two decades. A similarly situated country in 1980 could expect an increase of only 22 percent over the same time period.* This growth collapse has had a vastly greater effect on most people in the countries affected than any measurable impact of globalization on inequality.

There are a handful of countries that actually did grow faster in the post-1980 era of "globalization." But these countries - such as China, India, and Vietnam - did not follow the policy formula prescribed by the IMF.

Fortunately, most countries have voted with their feet and have paid off the IMF, thus avoiding having to take its advice. The Fund's loan portfolio has shrunk from $105 billion in 2003 to just $17 billion today, with most of this owed by Turkey and Pakistan. This has freed most middle-income countries, but the poorest countries remain under the tutelage of the Fund and its allied institutions, which are dominated by the US Treasury Department. These countries, too, will have to become more independent if they are to reach their development potential.

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See more stories tagged with: economy, imf, neoliberalism, healthcare, jobs, employment

Mark Weisbrot is co-director of the Center for Economic and Policy Research, in Washington, DC.



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Rates of economic growth in Latin America were far higher in the 1950s and 1960s than now.
Posted by: yellow on Oct 18, 2007 10:15 AM   
Current rating: 5    [1 = poor; 5 = excellent]
Neo-liberal, free market economics has destroyed these countries. Until the debt crisis of the early 1980s when a growing debt service ratio led to net capital outflows from countries in Latin America, average annual GDP growth rates were higher than those in either Europe or North America. This is because the strategy of Import Substitution Industrialization (ISI) developed a middle class and broad internal demand for the output of domestic industry. This was a direct response to the global depression of the 1930s which depressed the world prices of Latin American primary commodity exports depriving them of needed foreign exchange to import consumer goods. The ISI strategy was designed to cope with this problem.

Rising petrolium prices meant that Banks cycled petro-dollars through the global financial system partly as loans to Latin American and other third world countries. In the early 1980s, a global recession led to higher tariffs against Third World manufactured exports which made it harder for them to service the debt and increasing portion of which was becoming interest as global interest rates rose in response to the US Federal Reserve's massive hike in interest rates in 1981. By 1983, cumulative LA foreign debt went up four-fold from $75 billion to $315 billion with a fivefold increase in debt service from $12 billion to $66 billion over roughly the same period. Before the oil price quadrupling in 1974, LA had very little foreign debt or need to borrow abroad and levels of econnomic growth were high despite the start of a global recession in the early 1970s. The growth of the Latin American debt crisis seems to coincide with the trough of the US business cycle in 1982 (IV). From then on it only worsened.

Today, total Latin American and Caribbean external debt exceeds $3 trillion as is traded globally. In 2004, it accounted for about two-thirds of emerging market external debt traded world wide. IMF stabilization policies have only lowered average annual rates of GDP growth and opened up LA to privatization of state assets through foreign buyouts and has concentrated those economies creating even more poverty.

Private investors can also control social policies by controlling credit to the third world. A recent increase in taxes in Mexico's regressive tax system led to an increase in the ratings of Mexicos treaury bonds from BBB to BBB+ by Standard & Poor's of New York. This strengthened the Mexican bond market and the Mexican Peso against the US dollar. Mostly, the improved credit rating was a response to Mexico's shifting its overall debt burden from the foreign to domestic sphere. Since 2000, according to S&P, Mexico reduced its foreign liabilities as a proportion of total debt from 45% to 20%. Such a shift is doubtless the consequence of squeezing the local economy, through tax increases on the middle class as well as dramatically cutting the government budget, in order to speed up foreign debt repayment. Though such policies serve the interests of foreign institutional bond holders and other foreign creditors, it harms the living standards of the Mexican people and obstructs economic development

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Read " Confessions of an Economic Hitman" -John Perkins
Posted by: mmckinl on Oct 18, 2007 2:01 PM   
Current rating: 5    [1 = poor; 5 = excellent]
Read " The Shock Doctrine : Disaster Capitalism" by Naomi Klein

These and other books document the neoliberal economic onslaught of third world countries.

Through debt and 'shock' America and Europe have decimated the middle and working classes of the third world , leaving oligarchies and corporations calling the shots.

Countries are now rebellling , killing the DOHA round of WTO agreements . South America is in full revolt of these neoliberal policies. Central America hasn't caught on yet.

Asia has all but relegated American and European models to the dust bin of history.

Unfortunately Africa is stlll on its knees. But even some in Africa are finding an out with Chinese investment , notably Angola and dare I say it , Sudan.

For the IMF , the World Bank and the WTO the outlook is bleak and with it the fortunes of the corporatocracy of the western world.

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The IMF and the World Bank in Burma - case example
Posted by: thoughtcriminal on Oct 19, 2007 11:39 AM   
Current rating: 5    [1 = poor; 5 = excellent]
Basically, the ploy is simple, and is very similar to the subprime lending scandal here in the U.S. The economic consultant firms allied with the World Bank (kind of like loan brokers) go into a country and offer gigantic loans to the nation's leaders - who are often corrupt, and skim money off the top into various Swiss and offshore bank accounts.

The loans are typically used to hire Western countries to build poorly thought-out and wasteful infrastructure projects, so most of the cash (U.S. taxpayer dollars) gets recycled back into the coffers of giant U.S.engineering firms (Bechtel, Fluor, CH2M, Louis Berger, etc.), who become 'fabulously rich' as a result (this is what happened in Iraq and Afghanistan, for example).

Then, the country is saddled with huge debt, and in order to earn foreign capital to service the debt, they are forced by the IMF to sell of their country's national resources to oil, mining and timber corporations, usually in various monopolistic relationships. Often the corrupt dictators who run the countries don't care, as they get a percentage of the profits.

Now, we're talking about Burma, where the 500% increase in fuel prices that triggered the 'Saffron Revolution' was applauded by the IMF as an example of 'sound fiscal management':

"The people of Burma have been descending into deeper and deeper poverty over the last decade. According to Jonathan Head, author of the BBC article, the people of Burma spend an average of 70% of their income on food. The dramatic increase in fuel prices on August 15, 2007 was too much to bear.

It appears that the government of Burma (Myanmar) were reacting to a "suggestion" by the International Monetary Fund, that they needed to phase out the state subsidizing of oil prices."


Burma is somewhat different, however, because India, China, and the U.S. and Europe are all fighting for access to Burma's oil and gas, as well as for control of this 'strategically important country.' The Burmese generals have taken advantage of this to play the different factions off against one another - the only thing they fear is coordinated international economic sanctions, and a freeze on their foreign bank accounts.

The same game is being played out in Iraq, where the IMF and the World Bank is still trying to use the odious debt run up by Saddam Hussein during the Iran-Iraq war to pressure the country to cede control of the oilfields to Exxon, Halliburton, Chevron, BP, Total, etc. (debt that was supplied by the United States and Britian via agricultural loans to Saddam Hussein - which allowed him to use all of his own cash to purchase weapons from the US, Britiain, Germany, France, and Italy via Egyptian and Saudi cut-outs)

Naomi Klein has another good interview on these issues over at Buzzflash.

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