What the Hamdan Sentence Means for Gitmo
Belief:
What if People Actually Treated Religion as Just a Metaphor (Like Trekkies and Secular Jews)?
Greta Christina
Corporate Accountability and WorkPlace:
Labor Against the War Shifting Sights to Afghanistan Occupation
Jane Slaughter
DrugReporter:
The War on Weed: Marijuana Is Basically Harmless -- The Monumentally Stupid Drug War Is Not
Jim Hightower
Environment:
20 Weird, Crazy Ideas for Helping the Earth
Food:
10 Tips for a Sustainable Thanksgiving
Sarah Newman
Health and Wellness:
Is the House's Health Bill Really Worse than Nothing?
Joshua Holland
Immigration:
What Denying Unauthorized Immigrants Health Insurance Will Cost You
Media and Technology:
The Memory Scrub About Why Ft. Hood Happened Is Almost Complete ... If It Weren't for Archives
Mark Ames
Movie Mix:
The Yes Men: Pranksters Out to Fix the World
Mark Engler
Politics:
Just When You Thought It Was Safe: 3 Potential Obstacles to Health-Care Reform
Adele M. Stan
Reproductive Justice and Gender:
Why Can't We Look Away From Sarah Palin?
Vanessa Richmond
Rights and Liberties:
Obama Quietly Backs Renewing Patriot Act Surveillance Provisions
Willam Fisher
Sex and Relationships:
Hot Mormon Muffins and Models for Jesus: What's With All the Sexy Christians?
Liz Langley
Take Action:
G-20 Meetings: Nothing Much Happened in the Suites, and There Was Too Much Punch in the Streets
Laura Flanders
Water:
Poseidon's Financial Shell Game: Why Is a Private Desalination Plant Asking for Public Money?
Peter Gleick
World:
Obama Will Announce 34,000-Troop Escalation in Afghanistan 'Within Days'
Salim Hamdan's sentence signals the end of Guantánamo
In a decision that will shock those watching the conclusion of the first full U.S. war crimes trial since the Nuremberg Trials, the military jury that convicted Salim Hamdan of providing "material support for terrorism" sentenced him to serve five-and-a-half years in prison. Given that the judge in his case, Navy Capt. Keith Allred, had earlier ruled that he would be given credit for time served since he was first charged under the Commission system in July 2003, this means that he will be eligible for release in five months' time.
The verdict does nothing to convince the many critics of the Military Commission trial system that it is valid -- as there remain too many issues with the Commissions' use of hearsay and coerced evidence, of secret testimony, and of attempts to justify elevating "material support for terrorism" to the level of a war crime, despite no precedent for doing so -- but it must surely come as a relief to those who thought that the jury might have been persuaded by prosecutor John Murphy, who argued that Hamdan's "penalty" should be a sentence of at least 30 years, something "so significant that it forecloses any possibility that he reestablishes his ties with terrorists."
Instead, the sentence is close to the length of time proposed by Hamdan's defense lawyer Charles Swift, the former military lawyer who brought down the Commissions' first incarnation as illegal in the Supreme Court in June 2006. Swift argued that Hamdan should receive a sentence of less than four years because "his cooperation with U.S. intelligence services more than outweighed his culpability as a member of [Osama] bin Laden's motor pool."
This is, I believe, an extremely important point, as it was apparent during Hamdan's two week trial that he had been exploited by those seeking to prosecute him, who had built a case against him through his own words. At issue was the Fifth Amendment protection against self-incrimination, which has been denied to all those deemed "enemy combatants" in the "War on Terror." While this remains unacceptable -- and is intimately connected with the dark heart of the administration's deliberate policy of shredding the Geneva Conventions to facilitate the illegal interrogation of prisoners (whether coercively or not) -- what made it particularly troubling in Hamdan's case was that, whereas other, non-cooperative prisoners had been released from Guantánamo without ever incriminating themselves, Hamdan was being punished for his cooperation.
While legal challenges to the system will be more muted as a result of this verdict, it is unlikely that Hamdan's defenders will be persuaded not to pursue their many, valid complaints about a system which, as Charles Swift explained, remains nothing more than "a made-up tribunal to try anybody we don't like."
However, what this sentence also achieves, which was previously unconceivable, is to cap the disturbingly open-ended nature of the administration's detention policies, in a way that was only previously managed through a plea bargain -- that of the Australian David Hicks, who, in the first of the Commission trials following their resuscitation in the fall of 2006 in the Military Commissions Act, received a nine-month sentence to add to the five years and three months he had already spent in U.S. custody.
Until now, the administration has maintained that, if it wishes, it has the right to hold "enemy combatants" without charge or trial until the end of hostilities, which, it has also admitted, might last for generations. A sentence has now superseded that open-ended policy. If one of Osama bin Laden's drivers gets a sentence of seven years and one month in total (five and half years plus the 19 months of his imprisonment before he was charged) in a system specifically established by the administration to try and convict "terror suspects," it is surely now inconceivable that those who planned the whole post-9/11 detention policy can maintain that they can still continue to hold him as an "enemy combatant" after his sentence has been served -- or, for that matter, that they can continue to hold any of the 130 or so prisoners in Guantánamo who have not been cleared, and who are not scheduled to face a trial by Military Commission, beyond the end of the year.
With this sentence, it appears that the death knell has just been sounded for the whole malign Guantánamo project.
See more stories tagged with: torture, geneva conventions, osama bin laden, salim hamdan, guantánamo, miliary commissions, charles swift, fifth amendment
Andy Worthington is a writer and historian, and author of The Guantánamo Files.
Liked this story? Get top stories in your inbox each week from AlterNet! Sign up now »
You've chosen to turn comments off for the entire site. Would you like to turn them back on?
Support AlterNet
Do you value the information you're getting from AlterNet? Please show your support with a tax-deductible donation.
Feedback
Tell us how we're doing.