HHS Sec. Leavitt Tries to Define Contraception as Abortion, Then Pretends He Didn't
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Health and Human Services Secretary Michael Leavitt acknowledges in his second blog post on the issue, that traffic has increased on his blog as people respond with concerns to the HHS proposal that redefines contraception as abortion.
Readers will recall that when the draft regulation was first leaked, RH Reality Check experienced our highest traffic weeks, Speaker Nancy Pelosi's web site actually crashed, and many sites saw increased readership. In his first post on the topic last week, Leavitt attempted to redirect the conversation away from contraception, claiming a redefinition of contraception as abortion was not his or the draft regulations' intent.
In his second blog on the issue, posted yesterday, the word contraception doesn't even appear. As is often the case with anti-choice politicians, Leavitt only wants to talk about abortion to stir people's emotions. Leavitt quotes Mary Jane Gallagher, President of the National Family Planning and Reproductive Health Association, writing:
No Secretary Leavitt, what Ms. Gallagher was talking about was medical ethics, not ideology. In my post last week, I quoted Jon O'Brien, President of Catholics for Choice:
So, according to Ms. Gallagher's ideology, if a person goes to medical school they lose their right of conscience. Freedom of expression and action is surrendered with the issuance of a medical degree.
The question, Sec. Leavitt, is not about people checking their beliefs at the door. Medical ethics and morality dictate that it is the patient, the person in need of help, sometimes in crisis, whose conscience and beliefs matter in the moment they are seeking health care services. Medical professionals who have a problem dispensing contraception should not choose professions where they will be asked for contraception, or as a commenter on another blog wrote, "if this is about people living their religious convictions, then they should have enough faith not to choose work that conflicts with their convictions." There is plenty demand for medical professionals in fields in which practitioners will never come in contact with people seeking contraception.
While some have pointed to Catholic teaching to support the imposition of ever-more restrictive refusal clauses, they do not reflect the Catholic position. Catholic teaching requires due deference to the conscience of others in making decisions--meaning that health-care providers must not dismiss the conscience of the person seeking care. If conscience truly is one's "most secret core and his sanctuary [where] he is alone with God, whose voice echoes in his depths," as the Catechism states, how can anyone, or any institution for that matter, justify coercing someone into acting contrary to her or his conscience?
The goal of any reasonable conscience clause must be to strike the right balance between the right of health-care professionals to provide care that is in line with their moral and religious beliefs and the right of patients to have access to the medical care they need. Within the field of medical ethics, the accepted resolution to a conflict of values is to allow the individual to act on their own conscience and for the institution (the hospital, clinic or pharmacy) to serve as the facilitator of all consciences.
After a woman has been raped Catholic hospitals "might" help.
It can be difficult, if not impossible, to get emergency contraceptive pills (sometimes called "morning after pills" or "day after pills") at a Catholic hospital in the United States. That's because the medical care in these facilities is governed by the Ethical and Religious Directives for Catholic Health Care Services, guidelines developed by the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops based on Church teachings that prohibit using artificial contraception. As a result, the Directives essentially ban Catholic hospitals from providing emergency contraception to a woman whose birth control failed or who didn't use contraception during consensual sex.
If you have been raped, however, a Catholic hospital might be able to provide emergency contraceptive pills to help you prevent pregnancy. Directive 36 seems to allow providing emergency contraception to "a female who has been raped to defend herself against a potential conception from the sexual assault . . . if, after appropriate testing there is no indication she is pregnant." It does not say how to determine if conception has occurred and, since emergency contraception might sometimes prevent implantation of a fertilized egg (which happens after conception), Catholic hospitals still have to interpret the Directives and decide if they can provide emergency contraceptive pills to a woman who has been raped. In one recent survey, roughly one-third of the Catholic hospitals in three states were not complying with state laws that require making emergency contraception available to women who have been raped. (You can get more information about Catholic hospitals and contraception from Catholics for a Free Choice, which commissioned the survey.)
Looking forward to your reply, Mr. Secretary.
Mr. Secretary, thank you for being here and sharing your thoughts about blogging. I'm hoping you'll engage a policy question to give us something to blog about. Within the past two weeks, two highly charged issues have surfaced from HHS: a leaked memo redefining some contraceptive devices as abortion; and a waiver of the annual application for Title V abstinence-only programs.
The former will substitute an ideological and political definition of when pregnancy begins for the medical judgment of the American Medical Association and the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists. The latter will, for the first time, ignore Congress' reluctance to make abstinence-only programs permanent -- they have had 19 short-term extensions, and Speaker Pelosi said last week that with a stronger majority in Congress it will end. This effort potentially ties the hands of the next administration and promises states money that has not been authorized.
1) Will it be HHS policy that the 98 percent of Americans who use contraception at some point in their lives are terminating rather than preventing pregnancy?
2) Can you explain why this grant period should be treated differently than the previous 19 short-term extensions for abstinence-only programs?
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