Support AlterNet
Do you value the information you're getting from AlterNet? Please show your support with a tax-deductible donation.
Feedback
Tell us how we're doing.
Latest Gitmo Setback: The Delayed Trial of Salim Hamdan
Corporate Accountability and WorkPlace:
My Depression -- or Ours?
Tom Engelhardt
Democracy and Elections:
GOP Attacks on ACORN Are Based on the Fear of 1.3 Million New Voters
DrugReporter:
As the Violence Soars, Mexico Signals It's Had Enough of America's Stupid War on Drugs
Silja J.A. Talvi
Election 2008:
Too Much Presidential Power -- We've Got to Address the 'Unitary Executive' Question
Dana Nelson
Environment:
Dear Mr. Next President -- Food, Food, Food
Michael Pollan
ForeignPolicy:
Obama Talks Tough About Afghanistan; Here's What He's Really in For
Anand Gopal
Health and Wellness:
McCain's Medicare Cuts Would Mean Hidden Tax Increases for Millions of Americans
Hurricane Katrina:
From the Bayou to Baghdad: Mission Not Accomplished
Amy Goodman
Immigration:
Mexico Braces for Economic Blow; Immigration Adds to Complexity of the Issue
Diego Cevallos
Media and Technology:
John McCain Sows the Seeds of Hatred
Rory O'Connor
Movie Mix:
The "Battle in Seattle" and Beyond
Stuart Townsend
Reproductive Justice and Gender:
Our Next President Will Transform the Supreme Court
Ellen Goodman
Rights and Liberties:
Former McCain Supporter: McCain Is "Unleashing the Monster of American Prejudice"
Amy Goodman
Sex and Relationships:
Why Everyone Loves Hot, Smart Older Women
Vanessa Richmond
War on Iraq:
Baghdad Not As "Secure" As Government Claims, Residents Say
Ahmad Arhimiya
Water:
Can the People Who Live in Coastal Towns Ever Be Safe From Hurricanes?
Lizzy Ratner
For most of 2008, the media's interest in Guantánamo has focused not on the majority of the 273 prisoners who are still held there without charge or trial and largely unknown to the outside world, but on the 13 who have been plucked from the grinding obscurity of indefinite detention to face trial by Military Commission, an innovation unrelated to either the U.S. courts or the U.S. military's own judicial processes that was conceived in November 2001 by Vice President Dick Cheney and his close advisers.
I have written at length about the stumbling progress of the Military Commissions, most recently here, where I ran through the problems that have beset the proposed trials in the last month alone. These include boycotts by the prisoners themselves, and the sudden and unexplained decision to drop charges against Mohammed al-Qahtani, one of six prisoners initially charged in connection with the 9/11 attacks. This was almost certainly because he, unlike the others, was tortured not in a secret prison run by the CIA (who cannot be compelled to provide evidence to the Commissions), but in Guantánamo itself, where no such exclusions apply.
The setbacks in the last month also include a blistering attack on the system by Col. Morris Davis, the former chief prosecutor of the Commissions, who accused his superiors of pressing ahead with politically motivated trials and of seeking to allow evidence obtained through torture, which, he pointed out, were destroying the trials' credibility. So persuasive was Col. Davis' testimony (in the case of Salim Hamdan, a Yemeni who was once one of Osama bin Laden's drivers), that on May 9th, the judge in Hamdan's case, Navy Capt. Keith Allred, prohibited Col. Davis' former boss, Brig. Gen. Thom Hartmann, from playing any further part in Hamdan's forthcoming trial.
All these setbacks reflect badly on the integrity of the Commissions, of course, but until recently, discussions about the role of the Supreme Court in determining the prisoners' status had been overlooked. This was understandable in one way, as it is now nearly eleven months since the Supreme Court decided to look once more at the prisoners' rights (along the way reversing itself for the first time in 60 years), but was completely incomprehensible in another, as the Supreme Court's pending decision has been the elephant in the room since last December, when former Solicitor General Seth Waxman (for the prisoners) and the soon-to-retire current Solicitor General Paul Clement (for the government) presented their cases in what was rightly billed at the time as "the most important habeas corpus case in modern history."
Throughout this year, therefore, those who have been following developments at Guantánamo have been aware that a crucial decision has to be made before the Supreme Court's current session ends in the summer. However, it was not until Capt. Allred spoke up, following on from his recently established notoriety with regard to Brig. Gen. Hartmann, that the justices were once more pushed back to center stage.
Postponing the start date for Salim Hamdan's trial from June 2 to July 21, Capt. Allred stated that this will give the prosecutors and defense "the benefit of a decision that may well change the tenor or conduct of the trial," as the Associated Press reported. He added that a delay will avoid the "potential embarrassment, waste of resources and prejudice to the accused," if, as the AP put it, "the Supreme Court ruling forces a halt to the proceedings mid-trial."
See more stories tagged with: guantánamo, the guantánamo files
Andy Worthington is a writer and historian, and author of The Guantánamo Files.
Liked this story? Get top stories in your inbox each week from AlterNet! Sign up now »