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Iraq: Sunni "Awakening" Stirs New Conflict

By Ali Al-Fadhily, IPS News. Posted December 26, 2007.


The U.S. strategy of backing Sunni "Awakening" forces has created another wedge between Sunni and Shia groups.
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The controversial move of the U.S. military to back Sunni "Awakening" forces has created another wedge between Sunni and Shia political groups.

Following disputes between the tribal groups assembled into Awakening forces and the Iraqi government, the creation of these forces has become also a political issue.

U.S.-backed Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki, who heads a Shia political bloc, has adamantly opposed the U.S.-military policy of backing tribal groups and former resistance fighters.

To date, the U.S. military has paid more than 17 million dollars to these fighters, whose groups it calls "Concerned Local Citizens" and "Awakening Forces." Each member receives around 300 dollars monthly. Many are former resistance fighters who used to attack occupation forces.

These new forces now have a strength of more than 76,000. According to the U.S. military, at least 82 percent are Sunni. It hopes to add another 10,000.

The groups have been credited with chasing foreign fighters out of cities in al-Anbar province to the west of Baghdad, and also from parts of Baghdad. But members of these groups are often accused of extortion, corruption, and brutal tactics.

The Shia-led government has opposed creation of groups who might rival its own security forces, which comprise many members of former Shia militias.

"We completely, absolutely reject the Awakening becoming a third military organisation," Iraqi defence minister Abdul-Qadir al-Obaidi said at a news conference Dec. 23. He said the groups would not be allowed any infrastructure like a headquarters building which could give them longer term legitimacy.

Some Sunni groups also reject these forces. Offices of the Awakening forces have been closed down in Fallujah and Najaf despite warnings from Awakening leader Sheikh Ahmad Abu Risha.

"Fallujah city is not under the Awakening influence and never will be," Ihsan Ahmad, a follower of the Islamic Party in Fallujah told IPS. "Those tribal leaders want to control everything everywhere, but they are not qualified for leadership. They are just a group of ignorant tribal men."

Fear of a new conflict between tribes and political parties has arisen in many parts of the country.

"The same story of overthrowing Saddam Hussein is being repeated," Issra Yasseen, a teacher in Fallujah, told IPS. "They say they finished the influence of al-Qaeda and so they want to take over everything for themselves. We are afraid of the possibility that they will then fight each other and naturally, our lives will be the price."

Many Awakening leaders and members of these groups in al-Anbar and Baghdad say they have been betrayed by Islamic Party leaders and by the Iraqi government.

"The government was using us to protect its interests, and now it ignores our legitimate demands," Sheikh Hassan al-Alwani from the outskirts of Fallujah told IPS. "Only those enlisted with the Islamic Party are getting jobs and contracts, while we who fought only get the lowest ranks and the worst jobs."

"We were evicted from Fallujah twice by the Americans and Iraqi government troops, and our houses were destroyed under the flag of liberating us," Salim Mahmood, a former army officer who now works as a barber in Ramadi told IPS. "Those so-called sheikhs and politicians were all hiding in Amman while we were being brutally butchered by their army and allying Americans."

Tensions between politicians in the government and local tribes affiliated with the Awakening are evident all over Fallujah. Many people say they fear a new phase of fighting, this time local.

"This was the American plan from the beginning," Sammy Hussein, a poet from Fallujah told IPS. "We knew that after creating a Sunni-Shia fight, they would start a Sunni-Sunni fight and a Shia-Shia fight so that they ensure control of our country. The only thing they have not calculated well is that people are still armed, and that the fighting spirit is still alive in Iraq."

Residents who do not belong to either side are feeling lost, and living with the consequences of the lack of any responsible rule.

Many shops are open in Fallujah, but they have little to sell. "People do not have money, and business is very slow," a 30-year-old merchant who gave his name only as Marwan told IPS.

"We are living the worst days since the November 2004 siege of Fallujah. Unemployment is killing us slowly, and we have no real government to care for us. Only those who work with the Americans can afford to buy food, while over 90 percent of residents are very poor. People are always the biggest losers."

An Oxfam International report released in July estimated that 45 percent of Iraqis live in abject poverty, on less than a dollar a day.

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View:
A verdict on the “surge”
Posted by: Elie Elhadj on Jan 4, 2008 12:43 PM   
Current rating: Not yet rated    [1 = poor; 5 = excellent]
Three recent developments in Iraq are noteworthy.
1. U.S. success in arming 70,000 Arab Sunnis, called “Awakening” units, to stop shooting at U.S. soldiers and to fight Al-Qaeda.
2. The cease-fire on August 29, 2007 that Muqtada Al-Sadr ordered Mahdi army militia to observe for six months, later extended until further notice.
3. NIE report of November 2007 stating with “high confidence” that Iran had halted its nuclear weapons program in 2003 and has not restarted it. This NIE opinion reversed the findings of a similar NIE report in 2005.
How is one to read these events?
Today, Washington is happy; U.S. casualties dropped enough to hastily declare success. Tehran is happy; the threat of a U.S. attack has receded. Iraq’s Arab Sunnis are optimistic; the “federalism” clauses in Iraq’s constitution might be amended and de-baathification reversed.
Al-Maliki government is uneasy. Its defense minister stated on December 22, 2007: “Iraq will not allow US-backed neighborhood patrols to become a ‘third force’ alongside police and the army.”
If the Iraqi government agrees to Sunni demands, Shii/Sunni peace would follow. If it rejects them, the sectarian violence would return.
On the long-term, the prospects for maintaining the calm are dim. Tehran and Washington are in conflict over who would control GCC oil. Washington, being 10,000 kilometers away relies on military bases to support tribal Arab rulers. Iran is next door.
Iran has become the region’s major power, thanks to U.S. destruction of the Wahhabi Talibans and Saddam’s regime.
Iran has superseded the U.S. as the most influential power in Iraq (Chatham House report, August 2006). Most of Iraq’s 15-million Shiis live Southern Iraq. Shiism’s holiest shrines are there. The prominent families of Najaf and Karbala trace their roots to long lines of marriages with the leading clerics families of Iran. Ayatollahs have cross-country followings. From Najaf and Karbala, Iranian clerics often led the Shii world.
Grand Ayatollah Ali Al-Sistani is obeyed by millions in Iraq and Iran. Born and in Mashhad, Iran, he would not accept Iraqi citizenship. Through his disciples, he has been heavily involved in the American designs on Iraq. While consolidating Shii control, Al-Sistani has refrained from fighting the occupation.
Abdulaziz Al-Hakeem is the head of SCIRI and the Badr Brigade. Badr is a militia of thousands; created and sustained by Iran. Al-Hakeem spent most of his adult life in Iran. He is the leader of the largest Parliamentary bloc. When his older brother was assassinated in August 2003, Tehran declared three days of mourning.
Al-Sistani and Al-Hakeem may be described as Tehran’s instruments to institute clerics’ control over Iraq.
Muqtada Al-Sadr may be described as Tehran’s instrument to remove U.S. forces from Iraq. His father and uncle were Grand Ayatollahs. His uncle founded in 1958 the Islamic Daawa Party (IDP). IDP received big support from Tehran. Its leader, Ibrahim Al-Jaafari, was Iraq’s transitional prime minister. Al-Jaafari lived for years in Iran. Nouri Al-Maliki, IDP’s second in command, became Iraq’s first full-term prime minister. Al-Maliki spent two decades in Iran and Syria.
The two parliamentary elections in 2005 handed Iraq’s 60% Shii majority governmental power and with it a central role for Tehran.
The Shiis in Arab countries look to Iran for deliverance from Sunni subjugation. To Sunnis, the Shiis are heretics. Egyptian President Mubarak declared recently that, Shiis in Arab states were more loyal to Iran than to their own countries.
The notion that Iran might encourage GCC Shiis to demand their human rights sends shivers in GCC circles.
As such, the recent lull in American casualties could at best be temporary.

http://journals.aol.com/eeh100/daring-opinion/

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