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Can Green Jobs Save the American Middle Class?
Corporate Accountability and WorkPlace:
Why We Shouldn't Bail Out GM
Nicholas von Hoffman
Democracy and Elections:
Consensus Builds for Universal Voter Registration
Project Vote
DrugReporter:
The Prospects for Drug Reform in Obama's Washington
Phillip S. Smith
Election 2008:
Obama's Latino Mandate
Steve Cobble, Joe Velasquez
Environment:
Did Greenhouse Gases Cause the Earth's Greatest Mass Extinction?
Moises Velasquez-Manoff
ForeignPolicy:
This is Change? 20 Hawks, Clintonites and Neocons to Watch for in Obama's White House
Jeremy Scahill
Health and Wellness:
"Cure" for AIDS Stumbled Upon?
Todd Heywood
Hurricane Katrina:
From the Bayou to Baghdad: Mission Not Accomplished
Amy Goodman
Immigration:
Obama and the End of White Elite Politics
Laura Carlsen
Media and Technology:
Are Pentagon Nerds Developing Packs of Man-Hunting Killer Robots?
Scott Thill
Movie Mix:
Jesus Politics: Religion in the 2008 Election
Cynthia Fuchs
Reproductive Justice and Gender:
Thin Is the New Miserable
Stephanie Losee
Rights and Liberties:
Memo to Obama: Closing Guantánamo Can't Wait
Andy Worthington
Sex and Relationships:
Why Sarah Palin Fired up the Public's Sexual Imagination
Susannah Breslin
War on Iraq:
Yes We Can Cut the Defense Budget: Why it's Time to Stop the Military Spending Spree
Katrina vanden Heuvel
Water:
Offshore Drilling in Alaska: Obama Must Slow the Rush
Margaret Williams
The American middle class -- of which some 80 percent of Americans claim to be a part -- is getting anxious. While there is no carved-in-stone edict about what it means to be middle class, it's the term that Americans hang their dreams on.
It suggests earning enough to get by without struggling; being able to afford health care, college costs and the occasional trip to Disney World. The middle-class ideal is tied to earning power, and it's there that confidence is eroding. Over the last five years, while most workers' incomes have increased slowly or not at all, costs have reached record levels. Housing costs are up 23 percent, college costs up 44 percent and health insurance costs up 71 percent.
And while the traditional economic outlook is bleak, the green economy is taking shape, bringing with it the promise of well-paying manufacturing jobs; of management and sales opportunities with huge growth potential and lots of niche positions for enterprising students and job seekers looking for alternative careers. On the upper tiers of the economic ladder, many CEOs and CFOs are already jumping into green jobs, and online green job directories are heavy with listings for those with established business experience.
What remains to be seen is if the career ladders appearing in every sector, from green building to organic farming, solar installation and sustainable marketing, are available to all or to a select few. With the momentum behind environmental issues, Congress, spurred by advocacy organizations such as the Apollo Alliance and the Ella Baker Center for Human Rights, is responding with legislation that could ensure a place for America's disadvantaged and disenfranchised in the new green economy. For that to happen, the House version of the new energy legislation -- spearheaded by Hilda Solis (D-CA) and John Tierney (D-MA) -- has to make it through Congress and past President George W. Bush's threatened veto.
The Green Jobs Act, which passed the House as part of the Energy Bill last August with a vote of 241 to 172, contains specific language about using the green economy as a "pathway out of poverty." Of the $125 million that would be set aside for job training in renewable energy, energy-efficient vehicles and green building, $25 million of that would be earmarked specifically for those most difficult to hire: at-risk youths, former inmates and welfare recipients. The Energy Savings Act of 2007 sponsored by Bernie Sanders (D-VT) and Hilary Clinton (D-NY) in the Senate allows for $100 million in training for "green-collar jobs," but is not geared specifically toward low-income Americans.
That, says Van Jones, president of the Ella Baker Center, is a critical difference. "There's this whole invisible infrastructure trying to get people who need jobs connected with work," says Jones. "There are vocational training centers, return-from-prison work centers, community colleges. But none of that infrastructure is pointed at the green economy. There are a lot of 'certificate factories' pointed at the pollution-based economy, and lots of people going to night school for jobs that aren't there any more."
The Green Jobs Act is a way of "repurposing our job training," says Jones. He testified before Congress in favor of the bill -- a national version of the Green Jobs Corps his organization established in Oakland, California -- and says the shortage of skilled workers throughout the renewable energy sector is already leading eco-entrepreneurs to hire their college buddies. But there's a larger issue at stake. Unless the green economy is designed to include America's urban youth, they are bound to be overlooked, shuffled back into the same low-wage, go-nowhere retail and fast food jobs with little opportunity for improvement.
"The work of saving the polar bears and poor kids is the same work," says Jones. "If we give the jobs to the people who most need them, we solve two problems."
Many say that $100 to $125 million is miniscule money for such a major economic transition. But the government's initial investment is only meant to be a launch pad, says Kevin Doyle, president of green consulting and training company Green Economy. "The federal government serves best as an innovative leader," he says. "Money from the private sector should be at least five times that much."
See more stories tagged with: green jobs, green collar jobs
Brita Belli is managing editor of E Magazine.
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