How to Finish off the GOP Machine

Early this summer, in one of the periodic manifestations of the herd mentality for which this city’s pundit class is known, official Washington decided that corruption didn’t matter. The main piece of evidence for this conclusion was the special election in June to replace Randy "Duke" Cunningham, the California Republican congressman who months earlier had been convicted of bribery. The Democratic candidate had made issues of ethics and influence the focus of her campaign -- and wound up losing to a former GOP lobbyist. "The culture of corruption isn’t selling," declared Slate’s John Dickerson the following day, referring to the Democrats’ label for the Republican scandals of the previous year. Democrats largely accepted the new conventional wisdom, deciding merely to check the box on corruption, rather than making it a focus of their pitch to voters. As the campaign wore on, they invoked the “culture of corruption” less and less frequently. Several Democratic strategists told me before the election that they just didn’t think people cared that much about the issue.

As it turned out, both the pundits and the party were wrong. In official exit polling, more voters named corruption as an extremely important issue than any other, including Iraq. Since then, some pollsters have challenged the way the question was asked on the survey, and expressed doubts that concerns about corruption really did outweigh those about the war. But no experts deny that the issue played a much more crucial part in the Democratic win than almost anyone had expected.

Without really asking for it, then, Democrats have been given a mandate by voters to clean up Washington. Rather than running with it, however, the party is poised once again to check the box on corruption. Democratic leaders have announced that, in their first 100 hours in office, they’ll introduce an ethics- and lobbying-reform package that would ban lobbyist-financed gifts, meals, and travel; mandate disclosure of all member contacts with lobbyists; and address the problem of earmarks by requiring that the sponsors of funding for home-state pet projects be identified, among other steps. These measures are a clear improvement on the toothless approach embraced by congressional Republicans in the wake of the Jack Abramoff scandal last year. But few seriously believe that they get to the heart of Washington’s influence problem. That problem will exist as long as elected officials must raise large amounts of money to run for office from the organized economic interests they’re supposed to be regulating. That’s why any serious effort to clean up Washington must break the connection between money and elections.

The only way to do that is to provide candidates for office with public revenue to run their campaigns. Such a system of public financing has been the brass ring for reformers for three decades. Versions of public financing have been passed in both Arizona and Maine, where candidates for legislative and statewide offices can receive campaign dollars from the state treasury. Having been beta-tested, and shown to work effectively, over half a decade at the state level -- and now that the issue of money in politics is at the height of its public awareness thanks to the sins of the Republican Congress -- this is the perfect time to take the system nationwide.

But despite the efforts of some committed reformers in Congress, neither chamber’s Democratic leadership appears likely to put the issue squarely on the agenda during this session. The office of Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) told me that, though she herself supports public financing, she has not yet decided to make it a "caucus position" -- and she has conspicuously failed to sign a public-financing pledge being circulated by good-government groups. Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-Nev.) has been no more enthusiastic.