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Exclusive: Selling the Amazon for a Handful of Beads
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"These were all negotiated in secret," says the soft-spoken attorney and Ecuadorian congressional aide, explaining how he used a lawsuit last year to obtain pages of once-classified contracts between the Ecuadorian military and 16 multinational oil companies.
In November, when I visited him, Beltran handed me a grainy photocopy of a contract dated 2001. Then another bearing an official government seal. Soon a small table is covered, his finger running down keywords that spill off the page. Occidental Oil. Ecuadorian Ministry of Defense. Counterintelligence. Kerr-McGee. Armed Patrols. Military detachments. Burlington Resources.
The contracts come to light as an oil boom bears down on the Ecuadorian Amazon. Ecuador's 100,000 square kilometers of the world's richest rainforests unfortunately sit atop 4.4 billion proven barrels of oil, the 26th largest reserve in the world. Since the 1960s, state and private companies have taken oil from Ecuador's eastern province, known as the Oriente, and sent much of it to the United States, leaving behind environmental and public health disasters. And on top of all else, serious poverty: Despite their country's vast natural resources, 70 percent of Ecuadorians live below the poverty line.
Impoverished, in debt and dependent on petro-dollars for revenues, the Ecuadorian government has put some 80 percent of its oil-flush lands up for international grabs, according to Amazon Watch, a California-based watchdog group. Oil companies are given subsoil rights by the government, but by law must negotiate with the pre-industrial societies that hold title to jungle lands -- tribes like the Huarani, the Achuar and the Shauar tribes, some of which have only come into contact with the modern world in recent decades.
Too often, the tribes' introduction to modernity comes from oil company negotiators. By finessing them into signing away oil access in morally deplorable contracts, these deals channel the legendary purchase of Manhattan island for $24 worth of trinkets. But they are learning fast. Increasingly savvy to the oilman's ways, tribes here are putting on war paint, grabbing spears and shotguns, and saying no, sometimes violently, to the world's most powerful interests.
Against that backdrop of rising tension, these previously unpublished contracts, including classified agreements between the Ecuadorian military and 16 oil companies, are changing the debate. The bulk of the documents, obtained by Beltran and verified by this reporter in November, offer what experts say is an extremely rare and detailed look at how cut-throat capitalism and an oil-guided militarization of the Ecuadorian Amazon are digging deep rifts through the country.
Sealing the deal with a fingerprint
"This one is one of the worst," Beltran says, handing me an eight-page contract.
In 2001, Agip Oil Ecuador BV, a subsidiary of the multibillion dollar Italian petrochemical company Eni, convinced an association of Huarani Indians to sign over oil access to tribal lands and give up their future right to sue for environmental damage. In return Agip gave, among other things, modest allotments of medicine and food, a $3,500 school house, plates and cups, an Ecuadorian flag, two soccer balls and a referee's whistle.
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Indicative of the vast gulf in cultures, two of the tribal representatives signed the document with fingerprints.
Other contracts, some marked classified, are signed by multinational oil companies and the Ecuadorian military. Activists and attorneys interviewed for this story say the documents prove the Ecuadorian army has become a private security force for oil companies, one obligated to patrol vast swaths of jungle lands while engaging, and spying on, Ecuadorian citizens opposed to oil operations.
The contracts I reviewed typically required companies to provide money and nonlethal logistical support such as food and fuel in exchange for military protection of staff and facilities in remote jungle areas.
But some go even further.
In July 2001, a "master agreement" was signed between the Ecuadorian Ministry of Defense and 16 oil companies, including Petroecuador, the state oil company, and U.S.-based companies Kerr-McGee, Burlington Resources and Occidental Oil. Covering a duration of five years, the document is stamped "Reservado" -- classified. Its purpose: "To establish, between the parties, the terms of collaboration and coordination of actions to guarantee the security of the oil installations and of the personnel that work in them." It obligates the military to undertake "the control of arms, explosives and undocumented persons" in areas of oil operations and to give periodic updates to oil executives in monthly meetings. For their part, oil companies are obligated, among other things, to provide food, fuel and medical attention while maintaining permanent communication links with military units in the sector.
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Activists say this seemingly innocuous language is harmful in scope: Hundreds of thousands of remote jungle acres are covered by the accord, making especially the mandate to control undocumented persons ridiculously expansive, since indigenous citizens often either do not have IDs or don't carry them.
Another contract between the ministry of defense and California-based Occidental Oil, dated April 2000 and also marked classified, required soldiers to "carry out armed patrol and checks of undocumented individuals in the area of Block 15; provide security guards for ground travel of personnel, materials, and equipment within the area of operations and its area of influence; [and] plan, execute and supervise counterintelligence operations to prevent acts of sabotage and vandalism that interfere with the normal development of hydrocarbon activities."
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"This basically gives the company the ability to spy on citizens," Beltran told me, a sentiment echoed by Steve Donziger, a U.S. attorney involved in an Ecuadorian environmental lawsuit against Chevron Corp.
Beltran and men like Ricardo Ulcuango, a popular Ecuadorian politician who put his name on Beltran's disclosure suit, say the contracts are especially troublesome given claims that a Quichua Indian settlement of Sarayacu, in Ecuador's Napo province, as well as Shuar, Achuar and Shiwiar Indian communities in southeastern Ecuador have been victims of state threats. For them, the army's involvement in land disputes is part of "a policy of intimidation" by oil companies working through what has essentially become their own private army.
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Oxy's invisible hand
A few days after my visit to Beltran's office, I met Ulcuango in a dilapidated high-rise office building not far from the Ecuadorian Congress. He was preparing for a strategy meeting with other Amazonian lawmakers. Getting off the elevator, the entire floor had the feel of a company gone belly up: dim lights, little furniture, bare walls. But shy, smiling secretaries in brightly colored tribal dresses hustled among political aides with bronze skin and wide cheekbones. More lawmakers showed up: a group of short, elderly indigenous lawmakers in red shawls and, like Ulcuango, trilby hats.
Soon the three of us were sitting in a side office, empty but for an old desk and two chairs, with the high-rise's view of Quito's morning chaos. I told Ulcuango I had seen the contracts, and I needed to verify that he had officially filed the disclosure suit and that the contracts were, as far as he knew, valid. He confirmed both and added, "This is all unconstitutional because the military is supposed to serve the people, not just oil companies."
But that is far from clear. While the contracts are technically legal, Beltran, whose oil investigations take place under the auspices of a small nonprofit group called Las Lianas, says the fact they were negotiated in secret violates Ecuadorian law requiring oil companies to publicize such agreements.
Another uncertainty is the military's role in intervening in disputes between oil companies and local tribes. Even the contracts seem contradictory. What appears to be a November 2001 annex agreement to the master contract, for example, forbade military commanders from getting involved in problems between local populations and oil firms. But the 2000 Occidental agreement says they should collaborate in helping solve problems between companies and locals.
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Do oil companies wield much leverage in guiding military policy? In a 2001 letter to a ranking Ecuadorian military official, an Occidental executive offered to build a military base near one of its remote operation areas, which Beltran says is located near a Quichua Indian community. The base was eventually built and supplied with Ecuadorian troops, all on what he claims is expropriated indigenous lands. In a Las Lianas newsletter, Beltran and Jim Oldham, an American activist working with the group write:
It's unusual, to say the least, that a foreign-owned business, dedicated to oil exploration and production, should choose to advise the Ecuadorian Armed Forces as to where best to base their soldiers, and it is a sad reflection on the power relations in Ecuador that the advice not only did not offend, but was followed. The danger is that, now that the oil companies have established their authority over the military, and now that indigenous lands have become a target for military intervention, it is a short step to the military terror that has been seen in Burma, Nigeria and Colombia.
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I also met with attorneys suing Chevron Corp. for damages left by Texaco Petroleum Co., which launched the Amazonian oil boom in 1967 but left the country in the early '90s. (Chevron and Texaco merged in 2001). On November 28, while visiting the legal team's headquarters -- a white nondescript building with a security guard located in a hilly section of Quito -- I was shown another military contract. Released that same day by the Defense Ministry (presumably a result of public pressure by the plaintiff's attorneys in the case), the agreement was signed by Chevron and a military detachment near a jungle oil town called Lago Agrio, where the trial is taking place. That deal obligates Chevron to build a villa on a remote jungle military base belonging to a Special Forces detachment known as Rayo-24. The building remains army property but is used, currently, as temporary housing for Chevron attorneys defending the company in a billion-dollar environmental lawsuit here.
Big Oil's Response
Larry Meriage, Occidental's spokesman, dismissed Beltran's allegations as propaganda of the well-intentioned, saying that tribes in the Oriente have long known about the security arrangements.
Regarding claims that tribes had been forced to open the lands to oil, he wrote in a November email: "It is important to clarify that [they] do not allege nor, to Occidental's knowledge, are there any allegations that indigenous communities within Block 15 have ever been threatened or subjected to violence directly by Occidental or by armed forces acting on behalf of Occidental."
Meriage said the contracts in question were legal and far from nefarious, adding that in 2004 Occidental received an amended agreement it requested in keeping with its human rights policy. That version had no references to armed patrols or counterintelligence, for example, and forbade the military from deploying troops that had been "credibly implicated" in human rights violations, Meriage said.
He stressed the dangers of operating in the Oriente, a zone widely reputed to be frequented by drug runners, FARC guerillas from Colombia and kidnappers who in the past have taken oil employees hostage. Also, though the 2000 agreement is clearly marked classified, Meriage told me that "pursuant to Ecuadorian law, these documents are most likely freely accessible to the public from the Ministry of Defense." He also said the base referenced in the letter was not on indigenous territory, as Beltran claims.
Chevron's Jeff Moore said plaintiffs in the Chevron case have long known about the villa and only recently called it into question as their case deteriorates. (Many observers, however, strongly dispute the contention that plantiffs are losing the case.) Like Meriage and extractive industry experts I interviewed, Moore pointed out the dangers of operating in Ecuador's jungles. The Ecuadorian military did not grant an interview for this story.
People and politicians fighting back
The potential significance of the contracts rises proportionally with social tensions here. In August, state forces in Quito cracked down on populist protests that had shut down the country's oil production. And such clashes will continue as long as indigenous groups clamor for halts to or bigger stakes in oil operations.
There are stories of military personnel serving as repressive minions of oil interests. A woman who works for a Quito-based group called Accion Ecologica told me she had interviewed several poor residents of eastern Ecuador who had been subjected to intimidation and violence by state forces after they complained about the oil companies. Beltran says he, too, has interviewed people with similar claims and has worked with an NGO to videotape testimony, a project that wasn't completed due to lack of funds.
Santiago de La Cruz, a Chachi indigenous leader and president of the Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador, said companies try to intimidate community leaders. "The companies have the backing of the government, even though the government is supposed to defend the towns and guarantee the conservation of natural resources," he said. "That is why groups are resisting oil companies. It is a process that is requires risks and sacrifices of the people."
In addition to populist uprisings, political waves have recently spread. In early December, an Ecuadorian congressional committee on indigenous affairs called the country's defense minister, Oswaldo Jarrin, to testify about contracts with foreign oil firms. Though Jarrin did not attend, he later suspended all military contracts with foreign oil companies on December 8. Local media reports said he plans to create a special military unit to protect oil facilities in the Oriente.
Others have a different take on the military here. For many Ecuadorians, the military is seen as a stabilizing social force, one that has even taken indigenous sides in disputes with companies. Alex Alper, an American (and former AlterNet intern) who for two years worked for an anti-mining newspaper in Ecuador, said she was surprised to read the contracts. "Historically, the military in Ecuador has been seen as a big safeguarder of the will and well-being of the people, ousting several unpopular regimes and seeing to nonviolent government transitions. So it's inconsistent to [describe the military] as primarily at the behest of the petroleum companies."
Randy Borman, a middle-aged son of American missionaries who was raised with Ecuador's Cofan Indians, agreed. Over the years, as oil operations further encroached on tribal lands, Borman, now a Cofan elder, put on face paint and organized armed raids on remote oil facilities, even once kidnapping a group of oil employees for a day. He told me that during the Cofan's confrontations, the military proved to be fair.
"They have basically been good," he said, "even though they are often manipulated by political forces." In his dealings with oil companies during land disputes, Borman said oil companies would bring the military as backup for their position, but the troops would often end up supporting the Cofan. Borman did say that some military officials "who are on the take" are responsible for intimidation. (In a seeming reference to this problem, the Master Agreement's amendment prohibits contracts, verbal or otherwise, between military commanders and oil companies. It also prohibits commanders from taking donations and "economic support.")
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The resistance: divide et impera
Ulcuango symbolizes a recent shift in Ecuador's indigenous opposition: Whereas groups once boycotted the political system, they are now starting to work within it. But politics in Ecuador is a messy and unpredictable business. Corrupt, unstable and prone to turnover, it has had eight presidents in ten years, the last one, Lucio Gutierrez, being forced to flee street protesters. He's now in an Ecuadorian prison, where he reportedly claims to still be the rightful president, not President Alfredo Palacio, his former second in command.
More than politics or law, force gets heard, says Borman. He believes aggressive tactics helped the Cofan build a tough reputation and ultimately regain a respectable chunk of its territorial lands. "We've got a reputation now," he says, telling me how his tribe recently confronted a Chinese oil company whose newly acquired operations encroached on Cofan territory. "They backed off and put out a press release saying the area is highly biodiverse," he said. "But basically they surrendered without a fight."
Other groups have gotten oil companies to back down, or at least stand still. In one case, the Ecuadorian government has given Houston-based Burlington Resources subsoil rights to vast tracts of undisturbed rainforest that crosses into lands belonging to the Shauar and Achuar Indians (the latter group only came into contact with the outside world in the late 1960s). That project has since stalled because the tribes vow to fight.
Borman sees oil's march as inevitable and works to shape rather than stop it. He said the right technology can take oil without leaving an environmental mess, and that tribes can work to make sure they get a fair stake in profits, not just payoffs.
A common claim I heard is that oil companies use sophisticated ways of dividing and conquering tribal opposition. According to Atossa Soltani, director of Amazon Watch, in some cases the oil companies employ anthropologists who speak local languages to offer development in exchange for oil rights.
Likewise, Chachi tribal leader De La Cruz says oil company representatives offer health centers, schools and "other things that will offer a better life." And if there is dissent in the community, he said the companies "buy the conscience" of certain leaders who convince their base to follow suit. In 1999, an Ecuadorian court ruled that an oil company could only negotiate with legally recognized federations of indigenous communities, but activists say it changed little. As environmental writer John Vidal puts it, "yesterday's mirrors and beads have become today's roads, health and education centers."
Cracks in the oil well
Can tribal people of the Ecuadorian Amazon stop the pipeline push? How much will the Ecuadorian government, bent by debt to the globalizing North, tolerate opposition to Big Oil? And if clashes come, how will rank and file soldiers respond?
By one estimate, global oil consumption is forecast to grow from 82 million barrels per day now to 111 million barrels per day over the next 20 years. In this light, the billions of barrels of oil lying in wait below Ecuador are understandably tempting for the oil companies.
Scott Pegg, a political scientist at Purdue University in Indianapolis who studies natural resource conflicts, says having documents like these contracts and letters is "extremely rare" and points out that oil companies have a "catalytic effect," if not a direct one, on human rights in developing nations.
"Simply by virtue of them being there and generating extremely valuable revenues for the government, they tend to bring an increased military and security presence into oil-producing areas," he says. "The increased presence of soldiers then potentially adversely affects the local population through increased bribes, corruption, shakedowns, drunkenness, bad behavior, rape, etc. My point is that this can happen even if the companies are not actively participating in the security dynamics themselves."
Pegg says oil companies accused of rights violations typically justify their actions in a few basic ways: First, they say they are simply conducting business and remain "neutral," or "apolitical" or "uninvolved" in political matters. Second, they point to their own legitimate security needs. Third, he says, they sometimes claim that they are required to follow the domestic laws in place.
"Obviously, he added, "the documents you have blow serious holes in a number of these justifications."
Related documents
These are untranslated, scanned versions of the contracts mentioned in this report. Right-click these links to save the files to your computer.
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Comments are closed-
Posted by: Tom Degan on Jan 17, 2006 2:19 AM
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Tom Degan
Goshen, NY
tomdegan@frontiernet.net
Pray for peace.
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» RE: Facism
Posted by: symcokid
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Posted by: kbruno on Jan 17, 2006 5:34 AM
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The "good" news is that the close relationship between the military and oil companies described in this article is at the heart of several lawsuits against US corporations. These companies have been complicit in the abuses committed by the militaries of Burma and Nigeria, among others. Big business hates these lawsuits and has tried to eviscerate the statute that allows them - so far without success. The lawsuits force the companies to account for their relationship with armed forces, and in some cases, to pay a price for the actions of their military partners.
ConocoPhilips is in the process of buying Burlington Resources, concession holders of the two most important new oil areas in Ecuador. Readers of Alternet should join Ecuadorian groups, Amazon Watch and others in keeping a careful eye on ConocoPhilips to make sure they respect the rights of indigenous people who happen to live above oil deposits -- including their right to say no to oil development if it will destroy their territories and their way of life.
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Posted by: benu67 on Jan 17, 2006 10:25 AM
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Posted by: Basenjis on Jan 17, 2006 10:34 AM
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» RE: This is one of the saddest stories I have ever read.
Posted by: feduphoosier
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Posted by: jaydenari on Jan 17, 2006 12:10 PM
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1. Ecuador now produces "534,800 barrels per day (bbl/d) of total oil liquids, of which 528,200 bbl/d was crude oil." By that figure, even 4.4 billion barrels won't last long (about 25 years).
2. The US consumes HALF of Ecuador's oil exports, but that accounts for just 2.3% of our consumption.
3. Ecuador recently threw out its own currency in favor of using the US dollar.
Also ZNet ran an article on this issue in October.
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Posted by: norar on Jan 18, 2006 4:57 AM
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Posted by: brasilaron on Jan 18, 2006 7:59 AM
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» RE: and Bolivia? How did we here from there?
Posted by: la beluga
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Posted by: wli on Jan 18, 2006 6:06 PM
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While the parallels with the Bush regime are striking, esp. given the spooked-up religious leaders with experience pushing economic Calvinism (Dominionism and Christian Reconstructionism stateside) and endorsing right-wing dictators on the CIA's behalf in Latin America, campaign officials notable for formerly publicly holding CIA office, and voting machine and election-related companies heavily tied to known CIA assets (Scaife and the religious leaders) and fronts (esp. SAIC, but also Choicepoint), just about all of South America and Central America has long-since been wrecked by this sort of affair.
Notable influences of all this covert activity on current events are that the economic models touted by the Chicago school, endorsed and used by Bush domestically, were "proven" in Pinochet's Chile (known CIA interventions on his behalf being Project FUBELT and Operation Condor), and the reason why Iran hates the US so much is the CIA's overthrow of Mossadegh (Operation Ajax) and installation of the Shah's brutal regime. Various law enforcement measures adopted in the US post-9/11 are also highly analogous to the methods of Operation Condor (also the earlier German Nacht und Nebel Erlass), though the parallels are imperfect.
Two websites useful for the background story are statecraft.org and thirdworldtraveler.com
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Posted by: felixxer on Jan 19, 2006 7:08 AM
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Those words were actually uttered by one of the oil people during the filming of the documentary.
http://www.frif.com/cat97/t-z/trinkets.html
This Alternet story was also covered on Jan 18 on DemocracyNow and is shown in rotation on LINKTV DISH CH9410.
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Posted by: newsgems on Jan 19, 2006 11:44 AM
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Jon Marshall
www.newsgems.blogspot.com
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Posted by: brainshavings on Jan 22, 2006 6:43 PM
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Every time we fill up at a gas station that belongs to a corporation that is exploiting those human beings in the Amazon we are guilty. Every time an American stops at McDonalds or any other large burger corporation for a burger, it costs the Amazon rainforest two trees. We as consumers should know and demand to know how the corporations that we support with our hard earned dollars, how they conduct business aboard and here at home. We, the people of this country, have become stupid, myopic mindless sheep who do whatever we are told to do by the federal government or by some moron in the corporate boardroom. This is not going to stop until we the people take back the government of our country by getting rid of both the democrats and the republicans, they are both guilty of this abysmal behavior on not only our citizens but human beings of other countries. In addition, we do nothing about it, but continue to support those corporations with our money. Moreover, that money in turn is used to buy the candidates that they, the corporations want in office. We are doomed as a people. We are getting just what we deserve.
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Posted by: Aso on Sep 17, 2006 4:00 PM
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I am quite certain the Powers that be involved in this Asssimalation of a Nation, would LOVE it if they could REiNSTATE SLAVERY. Let’s FACE it, A Nation formed for making products for free. CORPORATIONS WANT RESIDUAL INCOME, how CAN they MAKE THAT Happen?? LOOK for an EXCUSE like 25 years WORTH of OIL, and hit them hard where they can control the POPULATION INSTEAD.. A brainwashed Child is worth more than GOLD< a potential SLAVE in 20 YEARS. WHY WON’t it happen?? THE MIDDLE AGES HAPPENED FOR A REASOn, and WE ARE HEADING THERE AGAIN, starting with the WEATHER.
Let's imagine that Nobody gets involved in this many of OPRESSED SOUTH AMERICAN COUNTRIES. What do you think that does, it empowers a race that is non-white. This is an event made to look like Corporations are greedy (which they are) But in fact goal oriented to keep people impoverished. Using by all means necessary to Suppress and instill fear and assimilation. THe United States Government looked at Policies of The former Commonwealth Country of Canada to Britain in figuring a way of beating the North American First Nations,
CANADA USed Hudson's Bay Company FRONT MAN as Survayors(CORPORATION) and brought in the CHURCH MISSIONARIES the EARLY 1850's, to "Civilize them" Well not all Missionaries felt they were dealing with the steryotyped 'SAVAGE' and infact a good example is WILLIAM DUNCAN who helped establish a flourishing community of METLAKATLA, letters written back and forth to government officials wanting land writes signed over, and the refusal of the cheif of that village with DUNCAN representing them, he learned their language, abolished slavery in their community and taught the bible in their written language he felt he found a Utopia of a PEACEFUL NATION in the TSIAMPSIAN Community. THEY (TSIAMPSIAN)OWNED THE SKEENA River Passage. NO Trading BOats could go through there without paying a fee (TARIFF on IMPORTS) based on WEIGHT. WELL HBC complained and complained and finally with the commission of the BRITISH NAVY had SHIP GO IN THERE WITH GUNS ANd CANNONS AIMED at the VILLIAGE TO FIRE ON CHILDREN AND WOMEN and MEN, MY anscestors. SO DUncan travelled to Washington for a right of Passage to Alaska where the new METLAKATLA Village was set up. DID I LEARN this in SCHOOL? HELL NO> I looked at actual LOG BOOKS AND ARCHIVES in the LIBRARY.
THE U. S methods of brutal war attacks proved ineffective. THe policy making involving taking away culture, food and land and fake land agreements plus germ warfare of refusal of Small pox vaccinations to villages were the means of taking power away from the people of this land. Jail time to those in the know, judges, Executives, and the Federal Government that are responsible for letting this happen. It is the only way to make it right and BOYCOTTING these companies involved.
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Posted by: Tom Degan on Jan 17, 2006 2:19 AM
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Tom Degan
Goshen, NY
tomdegan@frontiernet.net
Pray for peace.
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» RE: Facism
Posted by: symcokid
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Posted by: kbruno on Jan 17, 2006 5:34 AM
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The "good" news is that the close relationship between the military and oil companies described in this article is at the heart of several lawsuits against US corporations. These companies have been complicit in the abuses committed by the militaries of Burma and Nigeria, among others. Big business hates these lawsuits and has tried to eviscerate the statute that allows them - so far without success. The lawsuits force the companies to account for their relationship with armed forces, and in some cases, to pay a price for the actions of their military partners.
ConocoPhilips is in the process of buying Burlington Resources, concession holders of the two most important new oil areas in Ecuador. Readers of Alternet should join Ecuadorian groups, Amazon Watch and others in keeping a careful eye on ConocoPhilips to make sure they respect the rights of indigenous people who happen to live above oil deposits -- including their right to say no to oil development if it will destroy their territories and their way of life.
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Posted by: benu67 on Jan 17, 2006 10:25 AM
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Posted by: Basenjis on Jan 17, 2006 10:34 AM
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» RE: This is one of the saddest stories I have ever read.
Posted by: feduphoosier
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Posted by: jaydenari on Jan 17, 2006 12:10 PM
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1. Ecuador now produces "534,800 barrels per day (bbl/d) of total oil liquids, of which 528,200 bbl/d was crude oil." By that figure, even 4.4 billion barrels won't last long (about 25 years).
2. The US consumes HALF of Ecuador's oil exports, but that accounts for just 2.3% of our consumption.
3. Ecuador recently threw out its own currency in favor of using the US dollar.
Also ZNet ran an article on this issue in October.
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Posted by: norar on Jan 18, 2006 4:57 AM
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Posted by: brasilaron on Jan 18, 2006 7:59 AM
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» RE: and Bolivia? How did we here from there?
Posted by: la beluga
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Posted by: wli on Jan 18, 2006 6:06 PM
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While the parallels with the Bush regime are striking, esp. given the spooked-up religious leaders with experience pushing economic Calvinism (Dominionism and Christian Reconstructionism stateside) and endorsing right-wing dictators on the CIA's behalf in Latin America, campaign officials notable for formerly publicly holding CIA office, and voting machine and election-related companies heavily tied to known CIA assets (Scaife and the religious leaders) and fronts (esp. SAIC, but also Choicepoint), just about all of South America and Central America has long-since been wrecked by this sort of affair.
Notable influences of all this covert activity on current events are that the economic models touted by the Chicago school, endorsed and used by Bush domestically, were "proven" in Pinochet's Chile (known CIA interventions on his behalf being Project FUBELT and Operation Condor), and the reason why Iran hates the US so much is the CIA's overthrow of Mossadegh (Operation Ajax) and installation of the Shah's brutal regime. Various law enforcement measures adopted in the US post-9/11 are also highly analogous to the methods of Operation Condor (also the earlier German Nacht und Nebel Erlass), though the parallels are imperfect.
Two websites useful for the background story are statecraft.org and thirdworldtraveler.com
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Posted by: felixxer on Jan 19, 2006 7:08 AM
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Those words were actually uttered by one of the oil people during the filming of the documentary.
http://www.frif.com/cat97/t-z/trinkets.html
This Alternet story was also covered on Jan 18 on DemocracyNow and is shown in rotation on LINKTV DISH CH9410.
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Posted by: newsgems on Jan 19, 2006 11:44 AM
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Jon Marshall
www.newsgems.blogspot.com
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Posted by: brainshavings on Jan 22, 2006 6:43 PM
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Every time we fill up at a gas station that belongs to a corporation that is exploiting those human beings in the Amazon we are guilty. Every time an American stops at McDonalds or any other large burger corporation for a burger, it costs the Amazon rainforest two trees. We as consumers should know and demand to know how the corporations that we support with our hard earned dollars, how they conduct business aboard and here at home. We, the people of this country, have become stupid, myopic mindless sheep who do whatever we are told to do by the federal government or by some moron in the corporate boardroom. This is not going to stop until we the people take back the government of our country by getting rid of both the democrats and the republicans, they are both guilty of this abysmal behavior on not only our citizens but human beings of other countries. In addition, we do nothing about it, but continue to support those corporations with our money. Moreover, that money in turn is used to buy the candidates that they, the corporations want in office. We are doomed as a people. We are getting just what we deserve.
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Posted by: Aso on Sep 17, 2006 4:00 PM
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I am quite certain the Powers that be involved in this Asssimalation of a Nation, would LOVE it if they could REiNSTATE SLAVERY. Let’s FACE it, A Nation formed for making products for free. CORPORATIONS WANT RESIDUAL INCOME, how CAN they MAKE THAT Happen?? LOOK for an EXCUSE like 25 years WORTH of OIL, and hit them hard where they can control the POPULATION INSTEAD.. A brainwashed Child is worth more than GOLD< a potential SLAVE in 20 YEARS. WHY WON’t it happen?? THE MIDDLE AGES HAPPENED FOR A REASOn, and WE ARE HEADING THERE AGAIN, starting with the WEATHER.
Let's imagine that Nobody gets involved in this many of OPRESSED SOUTH AMERICAN COUNTRIES. What do you think that does, it empowers a race that is non-white. This is an event made to look like Corporations are greedy (which they are) But in fact goal oriented to keep people impoverished. Using by all means necessary to Suppress and instill fear and assimilation. THe United States Government looked at Policies of The former Commonwealth Country of Canada to Britain in figuring a way of beating the North American First Nations,
CANADA USed Hudson's Bay Company FRONT MAN as Survayors(CORPORATION) and brought in the CHURCH MISSIONARIES the EARLY 1850's, to "Civilize them" Well not all Missionaries felt they were dealing with the steryotyped 'SAVAGE' and infact a good example is WILLIAM DUNCAN who helped establish a flourishing community of METLAKATLA, letters written back and forth to government officials wanting land writes signed over, and the refusal of the cheif of that village with DUNCAN representing them, he learned their language, abolished slavery in their community and taught the bible in their written language he felt he found a Utopia of a PEACEFUL NATION in the TSIAMPSIAN Community. THEY (TSIAMPSIAN)OWNED THE SKEENA River Passage. NO Trading BOats could go through there without paying a fee (TARIFF on IMPORTS) based on WEIGHT. WELL HBC complained and complained and finally with the commission of the BRITISH NAVY had SHIP GO IN THERE WITH GUNS ANd CANNONS AIMED at the VILLIAGE TO FIRE ON CHILDREN AND WOMEN and MEN, MY anscestors. SO DUncan travelled to Washington for a right of Passage to Alaska where the new METLAKATLA Village was set up. DID I LEARN this in SCHOOL? HELL NO> I looked at actual LOG BOOKS AND ARCHIVES in the LIBRARY.
THE U. S methods of brutal war attacks proved ineffective. THe policy making involving taking away culture, food and land and fake land agreements plus germ warfare of refusal of Small pox vaccinations to villages were the means of taking power away from the people of this land. Jail time to those in the know, judges, Executives, and the Federal Government that are responsible for letting this happen. It is the only way to make it right and BOYCOTTING these companies involved.
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