Raw Deal
Belief:
Hot, Steamy Mormons: Are the Latter Day Saints Getting Sexy?
Liz Langley
Corporate Accountability and WorkPlace:
Congress's Attempt at Financial Reform Is Very Weak Broth
Zach Carter
DrugReporter:
Former Police Chief Norm Stamper: 'Let's Not Stop at Marijuana Legalization'
Norm Stamper
Environment:
Copenhagen Is Not Just About Climate Change -- It's About the What Kind of People We Want to Be
George Monbiot
Food:
Too Fat to Serve: How Our Unhealthy Food System Is Undermining the Military
Jill Richardson
Health and Wellness:
Right-Wing "Die-In" Health-Care Protest Tossed in Unmarked Grave
Adele M. Stan
Immigration:
The Brutal Dark Side of Obama's "Softer" Immigration Enforcement
David Bacon
Media and Technology:
Why We're Fascinated by the Paranormal, Masonic Myths and Secret Societies
Anneli Rufus
Movie Mix:
Matt Damon and Morgan Freeman's Invictus Film Release Kicks Off New Campaign For Universal Declaration of Human Rights
Linda Milazzo
Politics:
Health-Care Bill After Compromise with Lieberman: Worse Than Nothing
Darcy Burner
Reproductive Justice and Gender:
Can Boob Jobs Serve the Public Good?
Alexandra Suich
Rights and Liberties:
"How Does Somebody Have a Baby in Jail Without Anybody Noticing?" The Awful Plight of Pregnant Prisoners
Rachel Roth
Sex and Relationships:
Tiger Woods Syndrome: How the Golf Star's Affair Will Help Him Win Our Hearts and Minds
Dr. Susan Block
Take Action:
G-20 Meetings: Nothing Much Happened in the Suites, and There Was Too Much Punch in the Streets
Laura Flanders
Water:
Al Gore: A Billion People's Water at Risk From Melting Ice
World:
The 9 Surges of Obama's War
Tom Engelhardt
This article is reprinted from The American Prospect.
The Washington press loves the myth that polarization is what ails American politics and that bipartisan moderation will save the day. The high drama of the "nuclear option" averted by brave moderates fits the script perfectly.
Republican Senate leader Bill Frist, wanting court nominees to sail through Senate confirmation on a simple majority vote, threatened to scrap the filibuster by rigging the Senate rules. Just hours before this nuclear option was to be exercised, 14 moderates of both parties, after marathon negotiations, fashioned a compromise in which three controversial nominees get an immediate floor vote, and the filibuster is preserved, sort of.
Initial press accounts offered hosannas to moderation. Several reports painted Frist as isolated and humiliated, and right-wing groups furious. The only problem is that this happy spin is almost totally wrong.
Consider what actually happened.
By threatening what amounted to a parliamentary coup d'etat, Frist got nearly everything he wanted. A Senate rules change requires a two-thirds vote. Frist's so called nuclear option would have had the leadership rule that the filibuster can be scrapped for judicial nominees; then a simple majority of 51 senators would have upheld the parliamentary ruling. End of filibuster.
Faced with the risk of bad publicity for this show of crude force, several Republicans brokered a face-saver to achieve the substantive result -- confirmation of extremist nominees -- without officially killing the filibuster this week. It worked. This was no mutiny against the Senate leader; it was merely a change of tactic.
What does the vaunted compromise actually do? First, it guarantees a quick vote on three of the most reactionary judges ever to come before the Senate -- Janice Rogers Brown, William Pryor, and Priscilla Owen. Democratic resistance to these appellate nominees caused Frist to go nuclear in the first place. They will now be confirmed, and other extremist nominees will keep coming.
Second, the deal commits the Republicans to relent on the threat to scrap the filibuster -- but only for now. Frist can revive the nuclear option any time he likes, say, when the first Bush nominee to the Supreme Court comes before the Senate later this year. Frist can continue to hold this threat over the heads of Democrats, who are committed by the deal to limit their use of filibusters to extraordinary circumstances.
If you believe that the Republican negotiators did not clear this deal with Frist, gentle reader, you are naïve. If Frist took a bullet here, it was the mildest of flesh wounds, on behalf of his own cause. Far-right groups initially complained, until it was explained to them that they'd won. Liberal groups proclaimed victory because they couldn't very well declare that they'd been rolled. Remember what Pyrrhus said? "Another such victory and I shall be ruined."
The Republican propaganda machine has been expressing outrage that filibusters have denied Bush some court nominees. Republicans denied Bill Clinton even more nominees, not by filibustering but by refusing to let nominations out of committee. And Clinton tended to appoint genuine moderates, while Bush's are mostly far-right conservatives.
If the Republicans who brokered this window-dressing deal were truly independent, they'd vote against confirmation of extremist nominees on the Senate floor. Let's see whether "moderate" Republicans like Susan Collins and Olympia Snowe of Maine, John McCain of Arizona, and Lincoln Chafee of Rhode Island actually oppose any of these nominees. Mostly, these people posture moderate and then do Bush's bidding. No profiles in courage here.
The nuclear option is a fitting analogy. Throughout the Cold War, the two super-powers never used nuclear weapons. It was the threat to use them that produced the political power. Frist, likewise, did not have to blow up a long-established Senate norm, but by brandishing threats he got his way just the same.
This week's nuclear compromise was no victory for moderation. It was just the latest in a series of salami tactics, where the right takes some now and comes back for more later.
Speaking of moderation, a related myth is that the country wants moderate policies but that both parties are at fault for moving to the extremes. In fact, the Democrats have moved steadily to the center on issues of social spending, progressive taxation, deregulation, and national security, while Bush has worked to energize his party's most extremist interest groups. If the country is not getting moderate policies, it's because the Bush administration has shown that if you fight dirty enough, you can enact policies far to the right of what most voters want. Wake up, pundits.
This article is available on The American Prospect website.
Copyright © 2005 by The American Prospect, Inc. Preferred Citation: Robert Kuttner, "Raw Deal", The American Prospect Online, May 25, 2005. This article may not be resold, reprinted, or redistributed for compensation of any kind without prior written permission from the author. Direct questions about permissions to permissions@prospect.org.
Robert Kuttner is co-editor of The American Prospect. A version of this column originally appeared in The Boston Globe.
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