Power Play

The aftermath of an electoral defeat is never pretty. In 2004, all elements of the Democratic Party – moderates, old-fashioned liberals, progressives – came together to help John Kerry defeat George Bush. When that quest ended in ashes on Nov. 2, there were plenty of recriminations, and a whole lot of finger pointing. With the second consecutive loss for Democrats, it was bound to raise deeper questions about the party’s ideology and a larger struggle between starkly different visions for the future. This appears to be one of those times.

As the Democratic National Committee (DNC) gears up to select a new chairman on Feb. 10, the party finds itself caught up in a powerful tug-of-war over its principles and its platform.

On one side are the progressives, pushing for a bold new approach that includes adopting a populist agenda, a clear anti-war message and a real commitment to the grassroots. On the other side are members of the Beltway establishment – mostly represented by the Democratic Leadership Council (DLC) – who are clamoring for a more centrist/conservative platform that would embrace an aggressive, hawkish position toward the "clear and present danger” posed by global terrorism, while moving away from the party’s long-term commitment to a progressive social issues agenda, especially on issues such as abortion and gay rights.

The battle is being played out inside the Beltway in Washington, D.C., with articles in leading opinion journals being served up and volleyed like balls in a tennis match. The debate is beginning to escalate, and soon one can expect the media pundits to begin talking incessantly about "the struggle for the soul of the Democratic party."

They may actually be right on this one.

"The Democratic Wing of the Democratic Party"

There are two flashpoints in the current battle: one is the consideration of Howard Dean as DNC chairman and the other is whether the party will shift its platform on abortion, given the growing role of male anti-abortion politicians among the party leadership.

Despite being an incredibly good soldier during the election campaign, offering energetic and unfailing support for John Kerry’s candidacy, Howard Dean still sends shudders down the spine of some pundits and politicos. Ever since his brief but blazing presidential run, Dean is seen by some as a wild-eyed lefty.

Bob Kerrey, a former senator from Nebraska and president of the New School University in New York, is supporting Leo J. Hindery Jr., the telecommunications executive, for DNC chair. Speaking of Dean, Kerrey told the New York Times “…..if he runs he's going to have some 'splaining' to do, as Ricky Ricardo used to say… People remember him saying, 'I represent the Democratic wing of the Democratic Party' – which means the liberal wing of the Democratic Party.

''Which Howard Dean are we talking about?'' Kerrey asked. ''If we're talking about the Howard Dean who was governor of Vermont, I would say ‘Fine.’ But if it's presidential candidate Dean, I would say probably ‘No.’ The committee has got to figure out how to keep people like me in it. If he's firing people up and he's saying we've got to swing to the left – it's harder to swing along with him. And hell, I live in New York City. I don't live in Nebraska anymore.''

What Kerrey sees as left-liberal, Dean sees as a wake-up call for the party not to go rightward. ''Here in Washington, it seems that after every losing election, there's a consensus reached among decision-makers in the Democratic Party that the way to win is to be more like Republicans,'' Dean said in his first major post-election address. “If we accept that philosophy this time around, another Democrat will be standing here in four years giving this same speech. We cannot win by being Republican-lite.''