The Wal-Mart Effect

Walter "The General" Brooks stood amid the vacant buildings of a former Reyerson Steel plant on Chicago's South Side, the projected site of a shopping center anchored by a Wal-Mart discount store. "We need jobs," exclaimed Brooks, owner of a nearby fried chicken restaurant. "There are no industrial jobs around. They're all overseas."

But Wal-Mart may not be the answer to his prayers.

In late May the Chicago City Council narrowly turned down plans for a Wal-Mart at this site, while approving a Wal-Mart in another largely black neighborhood on the city's West Side at another closed factory site. Wal-Mart and its supporters, including local aldermen and some clergy and community leaders, said that its two stores would bring nearly 500 jobs to neighborhoods with high unemployment, sparking much-needed economic development. But labor unions and other community groups argued that Wal-Mart offers poorly paid jobs with limited benefits, destroys other local businesses and costs the public treasury dearly.

"The lowest price is great," said Alderman Joe Moore, a leading council opponent of Wal-Mart. "But you need standards in place that benefit everyone." Rather than simply oppose the new stores, the labor-community coalition demanded that Wal-Mart sign a "community benefits agreement" promising good corporate behavior, including local hiring, living wages, comprehensive health benefits, neutrality toward union organizing, nondiscrimination in employment and avoidance of predatory pricing. But everyone knew Wal-Mart would never agree.

A Model on the March

As the world's largest corporation and the nation's leading retailer rapidly expands into core urban areas from its original base in small Southern and Midwestern towns, Wal-Mart stores (especially its huge Supercenters with grocery departments) face many objections. Their size destroys community character (the National Trust for Historic Preservation recently said superstores threatened the entire state of Vermont); they create traffic problems and urban sprawl, and they leave behind ugly, unused hulks as business strategies shift (371 Wal-Marts currently stand empty).

But the central fight is over the corporation's economic effects on workers and communities.

The colossus from Bentonville, Arkansas, is becoming the template for contemporary American capitalism, says historian Nelson Lichtenstein, much as the Pennsylvania Railroad, General Motors or Microsoft were before it. The company's impact reaches far beyond local communities, where more than 220 "site fights" have successfully blocked Wal-Mart -- as local residents did recently in Inglewood and Santa Rosa in southern California -- but not slowed the company's growth to 3,500 stores and 1.2 million employees in the United States alone. Wal-Mart's low-road labor strategy drives countless other companies to cut wages and benefits of both retail and manufacturing workers and to buy more products from lowest-wage producers overseas, leading to what critics call the "Walmartization" of America.

Low Prices Cost Workers

To local politicians, opening a "big box" store like Wal-Mart seems a clear benefit -- new jobs, more sales taxes, happy shoppers buying bargains. But it mainly reallocates where existing income is spent.

And while Wal-Mart competition does lower prices, it also depresses wages and eliminates jobs. One 1999 study reported that 1.5 jobs had been lost for every job that Wal-Mart created. A recent projection by the University of Illinois at Chicago's Center for Urban Economic Development concluded that the proposed West-Side Chicago store likely would yield a net decrease of about 65 jobs after that Wal-Mart opens, as other retailers in the same shopping area lose business. A study cited in Business Week as showing modest retail gains after Wal-Marts open actually reported net job losses counting effects on warehousing and surrounding counties.