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The Rise of the Warrior Corporation: Win or Lose on the Battlefield, Big Business Always Comes Out on Top

There are few clear winners in modern American warfare -- except, that is, defense corporations.

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It turned out, however, that the drafted citizen had his limits and so, almost 200 years later, another aroused citizenry and its soldiers, home front and war front, were to be pacified, to be put out to pasture, while the empire’s wars were to be left to the professionals.  An era was ending, even if no one noticed.  (As a result, if you’re in the mood to indulge in irony, citizen’s war would be left to the guerrillas of the world, which in our era has largely meant to fundamentalist religious sects.)

Just calling in the professionals and ushering out the amateurs wasn’t enough, though, to make the decision truly momentous.  Another choice had to be married to it.  The debacle that was Vietnam -- or what, as the 1970s progressed, began to be called “the Vietnam Syndrome” (as if the American people had been struck by some crippling psychic disease) -- could have sent Washington, and so the nation, off on another course entirely.

The U.S. could have retreated, however partially, from the world to lick its wounds.  Instead, the country’s global stance as the “leader of the free world” and its role as self-appointed global policeman were never questioned, nor was the global military basing policy that underlay it.  In the midst of the Cold War, from Indonesia to Latin America, Japan to the Middle East, no diminution of U.S. imperial dreams was ever seriously considered.

The decision not to downsize its global military presence in the wake of Vietnam fused with the decision to create a military that would free Washington from worry about what the troops might think.  Soon enough, as Bacevich wrote, the new AVF would be made up of “highly trained, handsomely paid professionals who (assuming that the generals concur with the wishes of the political leadership) will go anywhere without question to do the bidding of the commander-in-chief.”  It would, in fact, open the way for a new kind of militarism at home and abroad.

The Arrival of the Warrior Corporation

In the wake of Vietnam, the wars ceased and, for a few years, war even fled American popular culture.  When it returned, the dogfights would be in outer space.  (Think  Star Wars.)  In the meantime, a kind of stunned silence, a feeling of defeat, descended on the American polity -- but not for long.  In the 1980s, the years of Ronald Reagan’s presidency, American-style war was carefully rebuilt, this time to new specifications.

Reagan himself  declared Vietnam “a noble cause,” and a newly professionalized military, purged of malcontents and rebels, once again began invading small countries (Grenada, Panama).  At the same time, the Pentagon was investing  thought and planning into how to put the media (blamed for defeat in Vietnam) in its rightful place and so give the public the war news it deserved.  In the process, reporters were first restrained from, then “pooled” in, and finally “embedded” in the war effort, while retired generals were  sent into TV newsrooms like so many play-by-play analysts on  Monday Night Football to narrate our wars as they were happening.  Meanwhile, the public was simply sidelined.

Year by year, war became an ever more American activity and yet grew ever more remote from most Americans.  The democratic citizen with a free mind and the ability to rebel had been sent home, and then demobilized on that home front as well.  As a result, despite the endless post-9/11 gab about honoring and supporting the troops, a mobilized “home front” sacrificing for those fighting in their name would become a relic of history in a country whose leaders had begun boasting of having the  greatest military the world had ever seen.

 
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