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Obama's Secret Wars: How Our Shady Counter-Terrorism Policies Are More Dangerous Than Terrorism

Obama should be held accountable for vastly expanding the military establishment's worldwide license to kill.

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This strategy is thus not only immoral and illegal, but poses a clear and present danger to U.S. national security. In return for killing a handful of "al-Qaeda leaders" it dramatically increases the ranks of potential anti-U.S. suicide bombers, weakens friendly governments, strengthens U.S. foes, and increases the risk of nuclear materials falling into unfriendly hands. Its basic premise -- that there is a fixed quantity of "al-Qaeda leaders, adherents and affiliates" whose death reduces the threat to the U.S. -- is simply wrong. As Cowper-Coles has explained, "for every dead Pashtun warrior, there will be 10 pledged to revenge." Former CIA counterrorism operative Michael Scheuer has stated that "Petraeus's 'decapitation' approach was also unlikely to work. 'The Red Army tried that for 10 years, and they were far more ruthless and cruel about it than us, and it didn't work so well for them.'"

Does it really make sense to kill a handful of top leaders, who can be easily replaced by often more competent deputies, at the cost of motivating entire populations to support killing Americans? 

The latest example is Yemen where, the Washington Post has reported,"attacks on electricity plants and oil pipelines have left Yemen's economy on the edge of collapse, with the most damaging strike carried out in retaliation for a U.S. counterterrorism raid." After the U.S. assassinated a tribal chief's innocent son, he retaliated by cutting Yemen's main oil pipeline. By aiding Yemen's economic collapse, U.S. counterterrorism is increasing support for terrorism.

In the immediate aftermath of 9/11, Pakistani militants focused almost entirely on their immediate surroundings. But now, as a result of U.S. war-making in Pakistan, former CIA counterterrorism chief Grenier has explained that "it's not just a matter of numbers of militants who are operating in that area, it also effects the motivations  of those militants ... They now see themselves as part of a global Jihad. They are not just focused on helping oppressed Muslims in Kashmir or trying to fight the NATO and the Americans in Afghanistan, they see themselves as part of a global struggle, and therefore are a much broader threat than they were previously . So in a sense, yes, we have helped to bring about the situation that we most fear."  

It was one thing for U.S. leaders in years past to murder and enslave defenseless Native Americans and Africans, impose vicious dictatorships throughout poverty-stricken Latin America, and kill 3 million Indochinese who posed no threat whatsoever to Americans. But it is quite another for the U.S. today to slowly and inexorably turn vast portions of the 1.8 billion strong and oil-rich Muslim world against it - especially nuclear-armed Pakistan which has already conclusively demonstrated how "counter-terrorism" harms U.S. interests far more than helps it.

U.S. Policy Increasing The Nuclear Danger in Pakistan

In the wake of Osama Bin-Laden's murder, Congress, the media and pundits have finally begun to awaken to the fact that, as John Kerry recently stated, "in many ways, the Afghanistan war is a sideshow to the main event, if you will, that is next door." But officials and pundits blame the problems in Pakistan entirely on a "Pakistani military (which views) the United States as a hostile force trying to perpetuate a state of `controlled chaos' in Pakistan and determined to `denuclearize' the regime," as Fareed Zakaria recently wrote. None have had the intellectual courage to admit that, given the paranoia and incompetence of Pakistan's leaders, U.S. "counterterrorism" policy has made the situation infinitely worse.

The current attempt to blackmail "main event" Pakistan into supporting U.S. military efforts in "sideshow" Afghanistan by withholding $800 million in military aid is only the latest example of the incoherence of present U.S. policy, and strengthens the case - as discussed below - for shifting to a focus on economic and social aid.

 
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