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The Weaknesses of the Pro-Choice Movement Have Been Exposed -- Now What?

How did an invigorated pro-choice movement, still pumped up from Democratic victories in 2008, wind up shafted? Where do we go from here?
 
 
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The months of debate and politicking around the health care overhaul provided a glimpse of the political strength of the pro-choice movement that hasn't been possible for years. The picture that emerged wasn't pretty, as supporters of choice found they don't have the influence many assumed they did. Almost as soon as the reform process began, abortion rights became a bargaining chip. And after the frenzied horse-trading that finally produced a law, women across the country were left with less access to the procedure and a seriously weakened power base from which to protect and advocate for abortion rights.

"It's an enormous setback," says Laurie Rubiner, vice president for public policy for the Planned Parenthood Federation of America.

How did an invigorated pro-choice movement, still pumped up from Democratic victories in 2008, wind up shafted?

For many, the loss was as unexpected as it was disappointing. President Obama's election instilled a sense of political safety. For the first time since Bill Clinton was in office, there was a Democratic majority in both houses and a pro-choice president. After the dark period of the Bush years, when pro-choice advocates' best hope was to minimize their losses, long-shelved goals suddenly felt possible. The most optimistic set their sights on getting rid of the Hyde Amendment, the 1976 provision that forbids the use of federal funds to pay for abortion in most cases.

"Many of us in the reproductive justice community were looking for a huge leap forward with Obama," says Lois Uttley, co-founder of Raising Women's Voices, a national initiative devoted to making sure women's concerns are addressed by health care reform. "We really hoped that we might actually be able to make some progress in overturning Hyde."

Because of Hyde, poor women in most of the country have had to scrounge for the money to pay for abortions (though 17 states now have laws allowing Medicaid dollars to be spent for most medically necessary abortions). While the majority of poor women who can't get Medicaid to pay for their abortions still go through with the procedure, somewhere between 18 and 37 percent continue their pregnancies, according to research by the Guttmacher Institute, an organization that does research and policy analysis on reproductive health.

Yet, in the past year and a half, instead of abolishing Hyde and convincing the country that current policy amounts to discrimination against poor women, Uttley and others wound up looking on in dismay as Obama's top legislative priority, healthc are reform, ensnared and ultimately set back abortion rights generally--and funding for abortion in particular.

In order to win the support of anti-choice Democrats and save the bill, the Obama administration embraced the principle of Hyde, signing into law a bill that, in the words of Planned Parenthood president Cecile Richards, "goes far beyond current law by placing unreasonable burdens on those who want to either offer or purchase private health insurance coverage for abortion." Desperate to keep health care reform alive, even pro-choice groups found themselves defending the public-funding ban they so despised. "The most damaging thing about healthcare reform is that even our pro-choice leadership has been, through no fault of their own, reinforcing Hyde," says Laura MacCleery, spokesperson for the Center for Reproductive Rights.

The compromise on abortion coverage that became law was only slightly less odious than the Stupak Amendment, which, to the horror of pro-choicers, passed the House in a 240-194 vote on November 7, and would have prevented any health plan that receives federal money from paying for abortions. Politically, the Stupak vote laid bare the fact that there simply aren't enough people willing to go to bat for abortion in Congress. The resounding vote count, coming late on a Saturday evening after hours of back-room scheming, was no surprise to Washington insiders on both sides of the issue. They already knew what would soon become plain to everyone else: a Democratic majority is not the same as a pro-choice majority. And many Democrats who entered Congress in the past few elections not only oppose abortion but will work as a bloc to stand in its way.

 
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