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Constitutional Crisis Sparks All-Out War for Control of Powerful Union

By Lindsay Beyerstein, AlterNet. Posted March 2, 2009.


A struggle for power within one of the nation's most powerful unions, UNITE HERE, has devolved into all-out civil war.

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HERE traditionally gives its locals a lot of autonomy, whereas UNITE locals get a lot of direction from the national leadership.
UNITE came into the merger as an established, well-staffed union, while HERE was more of a bare bones operation. Years after the merger, HERE continues to outsource core union business to outside contractors close to Wilhelm, to UNITE's immense frustration.

Even within a union that was founded to organize, there are profound disagreements about how best to grow. UNITE is almost exclusively focused on growth and has clashed with HERE about the tradeoffs between getting the best possible wages and benefits for a smaller number of workers vs. accepting a contract that might be slightly less attractive at the outset, but which would establish a toehold in a shop that wouldn't otherwise be unionized at all.

Paul Durrenberger, a professor of anthropology at Penn State University, who studies the labor movement, said that UNITE embraces an organizing model that doesn't sit well with HERE. The idea is for the union to approach the management directly and convince the company not to oppose unionization.

"The top-down idea is that if you could get management to recognize the union, you wouldn't have to spend lots of effort and money organizing," Durrenberger explained. HERE subscribes to a more bottom-up approach that involves convincing each rank-and-file worker to commit to fighting for a contract against potentially hostile management.

The two approaches don't mesh any better in practice than the do in theory.

"What I found when we tried to work together on campaigns was that we had fundamentally different approaches to organizing," said Cristina Vazquez a member of the UNITE-allied Western Regional Joint Board, and a Vice President of UNITE HERE.

"In our tradition you focus on getting workers a contract as quickly as you can because that's how they get raises, health care, and all the protections and benefits of having a union," Vazquez said.

A UNITE HERE spokeswoman speaking on behalf of the Wilhelm faction acknowledged that growth was important, but stressed that it could not come at the expense of standards.
 
UNITE maintains that each side was more effective before the merger and that the two unions should go there separate ways as soon as possible. HERE defenders counter that expectations may have been unrealistic and that even the best organizing campaigns don't necessarily produce instant results.

One thing is clear, the massive organizing gains envisioned at the beginning have failed to materialize, despite a annual organizing budget of approximately $50 million. UNITE HERE organized an average of roughly 16,000 workers a year between 2005 and 2007, which is far fewer than predicted at the time of the merger and not significantly more than the total number of workers that UNITE and HERE organized each year before the merger. One of the main reasons that UNITE HERE hasn't been more successful is that the organizing climate in the United States has become extremely hostile over the past several years. If the Employee Free Choice Act becomes law, organizing is expected to get a lot easier.

Unions merge all the time. UNITE itself is the product of a 1995 merger between two other garment unions. It's never easy because every union has its own culture and traditions. UNITE HERE made a difficult job impossible by failing to give a single leader control over the whole union. Perhaps the philosophical and organizational hurdles could have been overcome if the union's constitution hadn't made integration between the two groups virtually impossible.

In effect, the two-president system was designed to impede true integration between UNITE and HERE. The architects of the UNITE HERE merger were determined to create a marriage of equals--even though UNITE had significantly fewer members. They didn't want the minority union, UNITE, to be subsumed by the majority, HERE. So, they created a power structure that encouraged each president to tend to "his" side of the union, instead of making decisions that would move former UNITE and HERE locals in the same direction.

Wilhelm now regrets the structure and is proposing a series of democraitzing reforms to share power more widely within the union.  Since the relationship between himself and Raynor has soured, Wilhelm has issued public statements warning about the dangers of dictatorship in unions.

"I am also opposed to President Raynor's insistence on greater centralization of power in the Union, and more specifically, in the Presidents," Wilhelm said on Feb 8, 2009.

It's not clear why he didn't propose that kind of power sharing when he helped negotiate the merger in 2004.
One version of the history of the merger between UNITE and HERE is spelled out in a lawsuit that Raynor filed against Wilhelm in early 2009--the one asking the courts to strike down Wilhelm's resolutions.

AlterNet sought comment from UNITE and UNITE HERE staffers about the history of the merger, but none of the staffers were prepared to comment on the record.
 
According to Raynor's lawsuit, Wilhelm first approached Raynor about a possible merger in 2003, after the two men and their respective unions worked together on a successful organizing drive at Yale University.

"Raynor and Wilhelm met personally, eight or nine times, to negotiate the terms of the merger and, in particular, to work out the power-sharing arrangements between the two unions and their leaders," Raynor's lawsuit says.
 
Wilhelm agrees that the power sharing arrangement was unusual. Years after the merger, at the height of the current strife, Wilhelm characterized the deal as "an unusual governing structure" which "vested immense power" in himself and Raynor.

The deal was ratified by each union individually and approved at a joint convention in the summer of 2004, but those votes were more or less a formality once Raynor and Wilhelm had struck their bargain.

There's widespread agreement that the joint presidency was never intended to be a permanent arrangement.  It was supposed to be a stopgap measure until Wilhelm was eased out. The two presidents wanted to have their cake and eat it, too: One way or the other, the president of UNITE HERE was going to be very powerful.

As further evidence of the temporary status of the joint presidency, UNITE HERE's constitution stipulates that the President/Hospitality would be abolished if either Raynor or Wilhelm were to leave the union with all presidential power to be consolidated in the remaining president.

The suit alleges that Wilhelm assured Raynor that he would retire after 2 or 3 years.


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See more stories tagged with: labor, unite-here, raynor, wilhelm

Lindsay Beyerstein is a New York writer blogging at majikthise.typepad.com

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