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What bin Laden and Bush Don't Talk About: The Politics of Oil

By Michael T. Klare, AlterNet. Posted November 5, 2001.


Bin Laden never mentions it in his calls for a jihad, and neither does Bush in his calls for a war against terror. But oil is central to both their plans, and Saudi Arabia is the key.
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Osama bin Laden does not talk about oil when he calls for a holy war against the enemies of Islam. Neither does George Bush, when he calls for a global war against terrorism. Both major protagonists in the current conflict stress moral and religious themes in their public pronouncements, claiming that this is a struggle between good and evil. But both bin Laden and Bush are well aware that the conflict also represents a struggle for control over the greater Persian Gulf region -- the location of about two-thirds of the world's known petroleum reserves.

One can view the current conflict between the United States and Osama bin Laden's global terror network on a number of levels: as a struggle over the role of Islam in the modern world; as a fight between Islamic fundamentalists and less doctrinaire, Western-backed governments in the region; and as an inevitable consequence of America's continuing support for Israel. But however useful these strands of analysis, it is not possible to fully appreciate the origins and significance of the conflict without considering the historic role of oil politics.

The greater Gulf area (encompassing Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, Oman, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and several adjacent countries) has been a major international battleground ever since oil was discovered there in the early years of the 20th century. At first it was Great Britain that fought to gain control over the area's petroleum wealth, with a particular focus on the oil reserves of Persia (renamed Iran in 1935). Later France moved into the area, seeking control over the reserves in Iraq. Further north, in the Caspian Sea basin, Czarist Russia and then the Soviet Union established a significant foothold in the oil-rich Baku area (now a part of Azerbaijan).

Since World War II, the United States has been the dominant outside power in the greater Gulf area, with a significant presence in Kuwait, Oman, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. American involvement started in March 1945, when President Franklin D. Roosevelt met with King Abdel Aziz ibn Saud, the founder of the modern Saudi regime, and forged a long-lasting strategic partnership.

Although details of the Roosevelt-Abdel Aziz agreement have never been made public, the basic outlines of the deal are widely known: in return for privileged U.S. access to Saudi oil, the United States agreed to protect the royal family against both external and internal threats. To fulfill its side of the bargain, the United States has provided Saudi Arabia with billions of dollars worth of modern weapons, has trained and advised the Saudi army and paramilitary police, and, since 1990, has deployed large numbers of American combat personnel in the kingdom.

This relationship has provided both parties with multiple benefits. The United States has enjoyed favored access to Saudi Arabia's immense oil reserves and earned many billions of dollars from the sale of advanced weapons and other high-tech systems to the Saudi government. The Saudi monarchy, for its part, has accumulated immense wealth from the sale of oil and enjoyed relative immunity from foreign or domestic attack.

In recent years, however, both sides have attracted considerable hostility from militant Islamists because of their close relationship with one another. The royal family has attracted hostility because it is so closely tied with the United States, which in turn is associated with Israel and the repression of the Palestinians, and because it has allowed non-Muslim American soldiers -- infidels, as seen by their detractors -- to reside in the country (which is viewed as the Muslim holy land because of its historic role in the life of Mohammed). The United States, for its part, is condemned for aiding Israel and for helping to keep the Saudi monarchy in power.

It is from this cauldron of contending forces that Osama bin Laden's network has emerged. Once a privileged member of the Saudi elite, bin Laden has become its most dedicated opponent. (Fifteen of the 19 terrorists involved in the Sept. 11 attacks were also recruited in Saudi Arabia.) Ultimately, bin Laden seeks to drive the United States out of the kingdom and replace the monarchy with a Taliban-like fundamentalist regime. And because he lacks the armies to accomplish this aim, he has relied on recurring acts of sabotage and terrorism.


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