Bush Playing Chicken With Detroit in Last-Gasp Effort to Demoralize the Dems
Belief:
Do Atheists Have God All Wrong?
Troy Jollimore
Corporate Accountability and WorkPlace:
We're Doing a Heckuva Job Helping Those Devastated by the Economic Meltdown
Karen Dolan, Diana Pearce
DrugReporter:
The Secret to Legal Marijuana? Women
Daniela Perdomo
Environment:
Why Copenhagen May Be a Disaster
Bill McKibben
Food:
The 6 Weirdest, Scariest Processed Foods
Brad Reed
Health and Wellness:
25 Years Since the Bhopal Disaster, We've All Become Victims of the Chemical Industry
Gary Cohen
Immigration:
Italy's Media Wrestle With Immigrant-Bashing
Sandip Roy
Media and Technology:
Teflon Dick: How Cheney Uses Media For Protection
Linda Milazzo
Movie Mix:
Disney Apocalypse: Why 2012 Sucks
Alexander Zaitchik
Politics:
Memo to Congress: Desperate Times Call for Faster Measures
Paul Starr
Reproductive Justice and Gender:
What Happened When an Anti-Choice Catholic Woman Needed an Abortion at Dr. Tiller's Clinic
Amanda Mueller
Rights and Liberties:
Purple Hearts On Death Row: War Damaged Vets Should Not Be Executed By the State
Karl R. Keys, Bill Pelke
Sex and Relationships:
6 Tricks to Sex After a Divorce
Julie Bogart
Take Action:
G-20 Meetings: Nothing Much Happened in the Suites, and There Was Too Much Punch in the Streets
Laura Flanders
Water:
The First Projections for Water in 2010 Are Out: Prepare Now for Another Dry Year
Peter Gleick
World:
The Other Occupation: Western Sahara and the Case of Aminatou Haidar
Stephen Zunes
It wouldn't be the George W. Bush we all know if our shamed president didn't spend his remaining White House days in a final fit of polarization.
That's what Bush's moves this week are clearly about: dividing -- not uniting. The New York Times reported that during his first meeting with Barack Obama, the outgoing president suggested he might support Democrats' economic stimulus package and aid to struggling automakers if party leaders "drop their opposition to a free-trade agreement with Colombia." While Bush later denied an overt quid pro quo, one was obviously implied.
Strange behavior? Yes and no.
Bush is the Texas Hold 'Em addict who raised on the largest tax cuts in contemporary history, re-raised on two wars and went all-in with an attempt to privatize Social Security. So yes, from a brinkmanship standpoint, it seems bizarre that in exchange for a massive legislative effort to right the entire economy, the cowboy president may insist on a tiny trade deal that -- at best -- promises a boost of "less than seven-hundredths of one percent to U.S. gross domestic product," according to the Brookings Institution.
But, then, Bush is the protege of Karl Rove and the son of George H. W. Bush. So no, his Colombia demand isn't weird at all -- nor is it as small a wager as it appears.
Bush understands what happened in 1993 when his father left an almost-finished North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) in the lap of Bill Clinton's incoming administration. He knows that business interests subsequently pressured Clinton into joining with Republicans to pass the pact over his own party's opposition. His Rove-trained mind gets what The Nation's John Nichols reported: that the payout came with a 1994 election whose NAFTA taint delivered "a dramatic drop in turnout among members of union households," decreased "Democratic support in traditional areas of strength" -- and thus birthed the Republican Congress.
Bush wants to replicate this Three Card Monte -- and the Colombia trade pact is his ace in the hole.
The deal would reward a right-wing Colombian regime under investigation for links to paramilitary gangs, drug cartels and anti-union brutality. Like NAFTA, it includes few labor protections, meaning it will enrich Bush's corporate donors by forcing Americans into a wage-cutting competition with low-paid foreign workers. And, most important to Bush's legacy, the pact could bust Democrats before they ever have a chance to unify.
NAFTA proved that trade is the most divisive issue inside the Democratic Party. On one side is the party's Wall Street wing that supports free trade. On the other side is its progressive wing that wants our trade policies reformed. Lately, the latter has increased its clout. As globalization became a major campaign theme in the last two elections, the watchdog group Public Citizen reports that free trade critics replaced free trade proponents in 69 House and Senate races. These new populists, along with Democrats' more senior progressive incumbents, comprise a powerful new voting bloc promising to reject deals like the Colombia agreement and protect labor and human rights.
Therefore, if Bush successfully uses the economic emergency to hustle a faction of Wall Street Democrats into supporting the deal, he will have potentially engineered a 1994 redux: Democratic infighting, a demoralized progressive base, and these newly elected fair-trade Democrats humiliated -- and thus electorally endangered -- by their own party standard-bearers.
Certainly, with the president betting the economy on the Colombia deal, this is a difficult, high-stakes situation for Obama. But amid all the conflicting opinions he's hearing, he has the sound advice of country music's great political sage Kenny Rogers, who counsels that gambling greatness means knowing "when to walk away."
COPYRIGHT 2008 CREATORS SYNDICATE, INC.
See more stories tagged with: bush, trade, nafta
David Sirota is a best-selling author whose newest book, "The Uprising," was just released this month. He is a fellow at the Campaign for America's Future and a board member of the Progressive States Network -- both nonpartisan organizations. His blog is at www.credoaction.com/sirota.
Liked this story? Get top stories in your inbox each week from AlterNet! Sign up now »
You've chosen to turn comments off for the entire site. Would you like to turn them back on?
Support AlterNet
Do you value the information you're getting from AlterNet? Please show your support with a tax-deductible donation.
Feedback
Tell us how we're doing.