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The Republican Party's Dickensian fantasy made real in Age of Obama America continues forward. Their "War on the Poor" is turning into a rout.
The crass and naked cruelty of the Republican Party's efforts to cut food stamps, make the poor take drug tests in order to eat, and Scarlet Letter-like plan to make former felons ineligible for food assistance stinks of social irresponsibility. However, when a person can live in isolation and luxury from others in gated communities, all the while destroying the public commons and the social safety net, such complaints seem, for lack of a better word, "quaint."
In all, the Austerity politics of the Tea Party GOP is a freakish and fascinating blend of moral turpitude wrapped in the language of Christian charity.
As such, the Christian ethic of men such as Tennessee Republican Congressman Stephen Fincher demands that we take from the least among us in order to fatten the coffers and bellies of the rich. Plans to cut food stamps quite literally take food out of the stomachs of children and the elderly.
The Dickensian policies of the Republican Party (aided and supported by cowardly Democrats who surrendered this territory decades ago under Bill Clinton and the Democratic Leadership Council) also involve moral hazards and rent-seeking behavior by its agents.
This fact is little discussed by the pundit class and the mass media.
Congress people and Senators are members of an elite class: 47 percent of them are millionaires.
The policies which Republicans in Congress advocate for (under the lie of "deficit reduction") largely involve transferring resources from the poor and the working class and putting those "savings" into tax cuts for the rich--or in the coffers of the military, defense or banking industries. These supposed representatives of the public interest are actually enriching their own pocketbooks and protecting the class interests of people like themselves. Such conflicts of interest are legal and do the work of theft in plain sight.
Republican Congressman Stephen Fincher's assault on the poor is a classic example of these dynamics. As the website Alternet details:
He is a seventh generation millionaire agri-businessman. He raked in $3.5 million in federal farm subsidies from 1999 to 2012. That averages out to $269,000 a year in farm welfare. It makes him one of the largest farm welfare recipients in Tennessee history as well as among members of Congress.This politician, who thrived on the government dole, raking in $738 a day in farm welfare over the past 13 years, is among the loudest advocates for increasing subsidies to agribusiness by about $10 billion and slashing food stamps by $20 billion.
That would take food from 2 million poor people. They get an average of $133 a month in food stamps. That’s less than $5 a day for the poor – not the $738 a day that Fincher got.
Excluding the rich, the American people are suffering because of the failed policies which brought us The Great Recession, and a broken government which has embraced Austerity. The solution to the structural unemployment and the wreckage wrought by casino capitalism is not to be found by starving the poor. Nevertheless, the Republican Party and its allies doggedly pursue such a strategy.
Republicans like Stephen Fincher want the poor "to eat cake." Under the draconian cuts to food stamps and nutrition programs proposed by the Republican Party such a meal is a luxury.
What would the Republican Party suggest that the poor eat instead? Soylent green powder, sandwiches made from recycled human waste, rock soup, sawdust burgers, or mud pies?
When the people's bellies are empty they turn to fatten themselves by eating the rich. Food stamps and other anti-hunger programs are an investment in social stability and have a positive net gain for American society.
Ironically, enlightened self-interest would suggest that Republicans and conservatives should support such programs and not oppose them.
Where is Dave Chappelle when you need him?
Glenn Beck is a professional liar who has created his own alternate reality. For his fans and devotees, Glenn Beck is a messiah and truth-teller. Those who are not part of his media cult quite rightly see him as a carnival barker--and soon to be real estate mogul who is building his own libertarian theme park and gated community as a means to fleece and grift his public.
As part of his shtick, Glenn Beck is fond of channeling the legacy of Doctor Martin Luther King Jr..
Beck has trotted out that tired routine again, most recently suggesting that anti-immigrant Republicans are the moral heirs of Dr. King and the Civil Rights Movement. Of course, Glenn Beck has pledged his support for their most greatest of "freedom struggles"--the right to harass, bully, and deport those "illegal" immigrants who are a threat to the United States and its way of life.
Glenn Beck is able to make this rhetorical move because Dr. King is part of a pantheon of American heroes who have been stripped and robbed of their radicalism in order to make them palatable for Middle America.
As a leading figure on the White Right, Beck is dedicated to stealing Doctor King's legacy as a way of legitimating the Tea Party GOP's political agenda. Ultimately, the legacy of Dr. King--and the broader civil rights movement--constitute a set of handy icons and images that work like a magical fleece for Republicans and conservatives.
By donning those vestments, the ugliness and anti-black and brown bigotry of the post-civil rights era Republican Party and conservative movement can be hidden behind their dishonest use of phrases like Dr. King's iconic "I have a dream" or the merits of judging a man "by the content of his character" as opposed to "the color his skin." The post civil rights era Right-wing in America can then call black and brown people the "real racists" who hate "whites" and practice "reverse discrimination."
The masterfully contorted logic of conservative populists then comfortably arrives at the conclusion that white people are oppressed in America. And moreover, Dr. King died to protect white folks from "racism" and "discrimination."
Liars lie. That is what they do.
Consequently, it is not surprising that Glenn Beck would repeatedly misrepresent Dr. King's legacy, life, and struggles. It is the brazen nature of the lie which demands comment: Dr. King stood for the exact opposite of the John Birch Libertarian herrenvolk white nationalist politics endorsed by Glenn Beck.
Dr. King and the broader civil rights movement would reject Glenn Beck's declaration of war on "illegal aliens" as an affront to the sense of shared humanity and commitment to social justice which drove the Black and Brown Freedom Struggles.
It was Dr. King and the Poor People's campaign that advocated for an Economic Bill of Rights for all Americans, and specifically called out how "newcomers" and "minorities" were being exploited and oppressed in the United States by rich elites.
The efforts to organize poor migrant laborers by Cesar Chavez and others is also a deafening rebuke to Glenn Beck's myth-making machine.
The Dr. King who said the following would be vilified by the Tea Party and Glenn Beck as a traitor, and a communist who hates the "producers" and is guilty of "class warfare."
We are coming to ask America to be true to the huge promissory note that it signed years ago. And we are coming to engage in dramatic nonviolent action, to call attention to the gulf between promise and fulfillment; to make the invisible visible.Why do we do it this way? We do it this way because it is our experience that the nation doesn’t move around questions of genuine equality for the poor and for black people until it is confronted massively, dramatically in terms of direct action.
Ideas and claims on social reality do not exist in a vacuum.
Political claims are especially beholden and dependent upon a superstructure or architecture that gives them meaning and coherence. Some time ago, when I offered up my alternative history of the United States as believed by the Tea Party GOP, I was signalling to such a philosophical and meta-level concern.
In all, what is the vision of the world and of history that sustains the fictions which Glenn Beck offers up to his viewers? And do responsible people actually empower Glenn Beck and the Right-wing alternative reality media by responding to their propaganda and untruths?
Societies are stable when its members share a set of agreed upon values and norms about the nature of empirical reality. Societies come undone when its members cannot agree on those basic facts and truths.
Glenn Beck and his ilk are not harmless entertainers. They are propagandists who are helping to create a broken society where good governance (what is needed to invigorate and transform America forward) is impossible, and in which they can rail and chant against the very problems they are helping to create, all the while selling themselves as saviors.
The political and social polarization in the United States has created a crisis of legitimacy and failed governance. Glenn Beck, Rush Limbaugh, and the members of the Right-wing media entertainment machine are paradoxically both the problem and the solution.
They are poisoning the town's well water and then spontaneously and miraculously showing up the next day with a cure. I wonder, will the villagers ever wake up and see who their real enemies are?
The trial of George Zimmerman for shooting and killing Travyon Martin has begun with the selection of jurors. It promises to be a spectacle where dividing lines of race, as well as competing notions of what constitutes “justice”, will play out on a national and global stage.
The public debate over George Zimmerman’s innocence, and the a priori assumption by no small number of white folks (and some others), that an unarmed teenager named Trayvon Martin fleeing for his life from a stalker somehow posed an existential threat, is a reminder of howblack people are viewed as inherently violent and dangerous. Historically, and in the present, this attitude has excused all form and manner of violence.
Black teens walking down the street can legitimately be shot dead, because as Fox News notes they have a “street attitude." Rodney King, a man beaten and subdued by almost a dozen police officers, was viewed as somehow “threatening” to men armed with guns, batons, and tazers. Black young people who are walking while holding a puppy in their arms can bebeaten and choked by police because of “dehumanizing stares”—apparently this is a superpower that only black people possess, along with the ability to transform candy, ice tea, and other harmless objects such as wallets, cell phones, and house keys into deadly weapons.
In trying to work through the legal puzzle that is George Zimmerman’s shooting of Trayvon Martin and the absurdity of what has come to be known as “Stand Your Ground” laws, basic questions about human nature have not been asked.
I will remedy that oversight.
Thus, my question.
Is George Zimmerman evil?
This is not an appeal to religion and god. Nor, is this question about a red man with horns and a pitchfork who punishes sinners, or a some deity who sits up in the sky rendering judgment on people’s deeds be they good or bad.
The evil I speak of is the banality and mindlessness of taking another life without the thought of consequence or action. This evil is indifferent. This type of evil also imagines itself as the victim and the unfairly persecuted.
For example, in Errol Morris’ TV series "First Person", he interviews the world famous forensic psychologist Dr. Michael Stone.
There, Dr. Stone describes evil-doers in the following way: "The interesting thing about evil is that those who commit it do not often think of it as evil...other people think of it as evil."
The valorizing of George Zimmerman by the Right-wing media and its public, and how he seems to be genuinely surprised at the consequences of vigilante murder, would seem to fit Dr. Stone’s observation quite well.
Philosophical and moral questions of what constitutes good and evil are necessarily complex, nuanced, complicated, difficult, and provocative. This should not prevent us from trying to develop criteria for deciding if a person, from a clinical perspective, is evil.
As a helpful aid, Dr. Stone has developed a scale he describes as "The Gradations of Evil"that lists in ascending order 22 degrees and types of evil.
His scale includes two measures which I suggest are apt descriptions for George Zimmerman on the night he killed Trayvon Martin.
Number 4 "includes those who have killed in self-defense, but had been extremely provocative toward the victim for that to happen."
This result would make George Zimmerman an "impulsive murderer" on Dr. Stone's scale.
Number 12 are “power-hungry psychopaths who kill when they are ‘cornered.’”
This result would make George Zimmerman a "semi-psychopath" on Dr. Stone's scale.
The courts are not in the practical business of arbitrating if a person is evil or not. However, this does not mean that George Zimmerman is spared that description or title.
Some jurors may also be asking themselves if George Zimmerman is evil as they come to a conclusion regarding his guilt or innocence.
George Zimmerman may in fact be evil; he may also be “innocent” in the eyes of the law.
The American people should be prepared for such an outcome.
Members of which political party have recently made the following suggestions?
The poor in America have it too easy because they have refrigerators and televisions. Poor black and brown children should be given mops and brooms and put in veritable work houses like Dickensian street urchins. Food stamps should be cut because the Bible tells usthat, “for even when we were with you, we gave you this command: Anyone unwilling to work should not eat.”
America is a country of “takers” and “makers” where “productive” citizens, the “53 percent”, are being exploited by the "47 percent" of the public who are social and economic parasites.
Electric fences should be used to kill “illegal” immigrants.
Discussions of wealth and income inequality are “un-American” because they encourage “class warfare”against the rich.
Liberals, the poor, people of color, “illegal” immigrants, and any arbitrarily decided “Other” are not “real” Americans. As such they should be marginalized in—if not wholly eliminated from—American society.
They cheer death at their national meetings.
If you guessed that prominent members of the Republican Party have said (and done) such things then you would be correct.
The new movie The Purge takes this Right-wing fantasy one step further and depicts an America where for one night each year it is legal to kill anyone with impunity.
In all, The Purge is both a nightmare and a dream pulled straight out of the political imagination of theTea Party GOP and the Right-wing political entertainment complex. The Purge is far from a perfect movie; nevertheless, it is a crystal clear depiction of the politics of cruelty and Austerity that are the beating heart of Ayn Rand conservatism in the Age of Obama.
As depicted in The Purge, a night of cathartic violence has invigorated and reinvented a failing country. This evening has also somehow magically solved the budget deficit and raised America’s levels of self-esteem and patriotism--the country is even led by a single party called"The New Founders of America." Ultimately, and through processes mentioned but not fully explained in the movie, The Purge has created a very Ronald Reagan-like “new day in America.”
In this world, the poor and others who cannot afford private security, to live in gated communities, and arm themselves with all variety of weapons are “liquidated” wholesale on that night. The social contract that ought to promise safety and security between citizens and the State is broken with the agreement of the mass public. Consequently, the financial pressures on the social safety net are lessened precisely because “unproductive” citizens can be culled from the herd
The rich are safe—free or not at their own whim—to decide if they will participate in the country’s national bloodletting.
The plot of The Purge revolves around Ethan Hawke's character named James Sandin, a salesman who leverages the anxiety and fear of his neighbors for his own personal profit and gain. Predictably, his son, played by Max Burkholder, in a moment of mercy and sensitivity for a stranger in peril, disarms the home security system during that year’s night of wanton violence. This act of charity allows a nameless and homeless black man who is fleeing for his life from a white lynch mob to enter their residence.
While The Purge is a high concept movie that in its later acts devolves into typical action fare, there are powerful moments where its writers took real chances, daring to explore provocative and potent questions of race, class, justice, and community.
For example, the homeless man seeking refuge in Sandin’s home could have easily been played by a white actor. By choosing to make him a Black American, The Purge brings to the forefront how questions of race and belonging intersect with fundamental matters of safety and security for people of color in the United States.
The black and brown poor would likely be killed in overwhelming numbers during the movie’s grizzly macabre evening celebration of national reunion and belonging. Our First Nations brothers and sisters would also be easy targets. The white poor in rural America would be killed too.
To their credit, the creators of The Purge did not shy away from how certain people—the poor—are marked as marginal and disposable. This fact is true both in the movie’s imagined reality and our own present.
From the spectacular lynchings of Jim and Jane Crow America to the Trayvon Martin case, the black body (while an object of fascination, desire, and simultaneous fear and loathing) is viewed as something foreign, an invader in the White community, assumed to be a risk as well as a threat until proven otherwise--and to the satisfaction of the White Gaze.
Here, the process of “niggerization” works through the creation of a type of contingent citizenship where rights are not protected or absolute for certain types of people. Thus, human rights can be violated at anytime by those identified with White authority and White power.
For more than one hundred years, white lynch mobs burned their black victims alive by the thousands, cut them up into pieces, made their victims eat their own genitals, shot black people dozens or even hundreds of times, posed with and photographed the bodies, and then sent those images around the country as postcards because such acts of racial terrorism helped to cement the bonds of Whiteness across lines of class in the United States.
As has often been seen with genocidal violence, historian Daniel Jonah Goldhagen notes how if the primary goal is just to kill a person with maximum efficiency, then no ceremony is necessary to accomplish said goal. By contrast, "overkill" and the spectacle are important—as we see in The Purge—because the ritual has spiritual elements that feed the collective soul of the attackers. Ultimately, the body of the Other represents a pollutant that must be expelled from the body politic.
In The Purge, Sandin's family is offered a bargain: will they surrender a black body to the white lynch mob where the former will be killed for sport, and as a cathartic sacrifice that heals and brings peace to the (White) American political psyche? Does Sandin's family’s safety matter more than protecting an innocent black man?
As we think through those questions, one cannot forget how The Purge is a product of the sensibilities of post racial America and the Age of Obama.
Consequently, while American history suggests that Ethan Hawke's character would readily sacrifice a black homeless man in order to protect his family, in The Purge the main character chooses to take up arms and fight off a lynch mob in defense of a black man. The White Racial Frame, and the companion lie that is “color blind” post civil rights America, imagines itself as benign: in this fantasy, “good white folks”, more often than not, do the right thing when faced with racism and other types of discrimination.
As the movie concludes, The Purge offers up two transparent moments that exemplify its dualism as a stinging critique of Right-wing ideology while also channeling some of the Tea Party GOP’s anxieties and fears in post racial America.
First, the leader of the white lynch mob is a hybrid preppy, yuppie, country club, preacher, Christian Nationalist evangelical who would find his natural home as president of the College Republicans.
His rhetoric, rage, and channeling of American exceptionalism as reimagined through The Purge is a mix of Right-wing talk points and religious zealotry.
Second, the Sandins' neighbors betray them in the final act of the movie. They are jealous of his financial success: murdering the Sandin family is their act of cathartic violence during the annual Purge event.
Class envy has resulted in violence and chaos. In The Purge (and in contemporary Right-wing American politics more generally) the rich and other elites are "victims" who are to be pitied and empathized with.
While this is of course absurd, it resonates for those addicted to the mix of White identity politics, racial resentment, and identification with the banksters and plutocrats, who form the base of the Tea Party GOP. And of course, guns save us all in The Purge. They empower women, fight off attackers, and help a family return to a normal state of safety and security.
One does not need to have read authors such as Slavoj Zizek, Judith Butler, Stuart Hall, or Naomi Klein to understand and “read” the politics of The Purge. The movie rewards deep viewing and looking beyond the foreground to the subtext, symbolism, story-telling choices made by its creators, as well as the radio and TV broadcasts in the background, that add richness and context to the film's setting.
Movies such as Batman: The Dark Knight Rises, The East, and Now You See Me, demonstrate how the public and the elite classes’ anxieties about the Great Recession and the future of the United States’ economy are being negotiated and resolved on screen. The Purge captures “the spirit of the age” quite well.
It is a work that reflects the neo-liberal national security state, a politics of meanness and cruelty where budgets are balanced on the backs of the poor, and the ways in which certain segments of the American people are marked as disposable human refuse.
Films talk to us, to each other, and as such, reflect a society’s worries, fears, and insecurities. The Purge, while not a perfect film, is wonderfully ambitious in its efforts at being socially relevant and politically provocative.
On those merits, The Purge is a scathing indictment of contemporary American politics, the mass media, and Right-wing politics in the Age of Obama.
Members of which political party have recently made the following suggestions?
The poor in America have it too easy because they have refrigerators and televisions. Poor black and brown children should be given mops and brooms and put in veritable work houses like Dickensian street urchins. Food stamps should be cut because the Bible tells usthat, “for even when we were with you, we gave you this command: Anyone unwilling to work should not eat.”
America is a country of “takers” and “makers” where “productive” citizens, the “53 percent”, are being exploited by the "47 percent" of the public who are social and economic parasites.
Electric fences should be used to kill “illegal” immigrants.
Discussions of wealth and income inequality are “un-American” because they encourage “class warfare”against the rich.
Liberals, the poor, people of color, “illegal” immigrants, and any arbitrarily decided “Other” are not “real” Americans. As such they should be marginalized in—if not wholly eliminated from—American society.
They cheer death at their national meetings.
If you guessed that prominent members of the Republican Party have said (and done) such things then you would be correct.
The new movie The Purge takes this Right-wing fantasy one step further and depicts an America where for one night each year it is legal to kill anyone with impunity.
In all, The Purge is both a nightmare and a dream pulled straight out of the political imagination of theTea Party GOP and the Right-wing political entertainment complex. The Purge is far from a perfect movie; nevertheless, it is a crystal clear depiction of the politics of cruelty and Austerity that are the beating heart of Ayn Rand conservatism in the Age of Obama.
As depicted in The Purge, a night of cathartic violence has invigorated and reinvented a failing country. This evening has also somehow magically solved the budget deficit and raised America’s levels of self-esteem and patriotism--the country is even led by a single party called"The New Founders of America." Ultimately, and through processes mentioned but not fully explained in the movie, The Purge has created a very Ronald Reagan-like “new day in America.”
In this world, the poor and others who cannot afford private security, to live in gated communities, and arm themselves with all variety of weapons are “liquidated” wholesale on that night. The social contract that ought to promise safety and security between citizens and the State is broken with the agreement of the mass public. Consequently, the financial pressures on the social safety net are lessened precisely because “unproductive” citizens can be culled from the herd
The rich are safe—free or not at their own whim—to decide if they will participate in the country’s national bloodletting.
The plot of The Purge revolves around Ethan Hawke's character named James Sandin, a salesman who leverages the anxiety and fear of his neighbors for his own personal profit and gain. Predictably, his son, played by Max Burkholder, in a moment of mercy and sensitivity for a stranger in peril, disarms the home security system during that year’s night of wanton violence. This act of charity allows a nameless and homeless black man who is fleeing for his life from a white lynch mob to enter their residence.
While The Purge is a high concept movie that in its later acts devolves into typical action fare, there are powerful moments where its writers took real chances, daring to explore provocative and potent questions of race, class, justice, and community.
For example, the homeless man seeking refuge in Sandin’s home could have easily been played by a white actor. By choosing to make him a Black American, The Purge brings to the forefront how questions of race and belonging intersect with fundamental matters of safety and security for people of color in the United States.
The black and brown poor would likely be killed in overwhelming numbers during the movie’s grizzly macabre evening celebration of national reunion and belonging. Our First Nations brothers and sisters would also be easy targets. The white poor in rural America would be killed too.
To their credit, the creators of The Purge did not shy away from how certain people—the poor—are marked as marginal and disposable. This fact is true both in the movie’s imagined reality and our own present.
From the spectacular lynchings of Jim and Jane Crow America to the Trayvon Martin case, the black body (while an object of fascination, desire, and simultaneous fear and loathing) is viewed as something foreign, an invader in the White community, assumed to be a risk as well as a threat until proven otherwise--and to the satisfaction of the White Gaze.
Here, the process of “niggerization” works through the creation of a type of contingent citizenship where rights are not protected or absolute for certain types of people. Thus, human rights can be violated at anytime by those identified with White authority and White power.
For more than one hundred years, white lynch mobs burned their black victims alive by the thousands, cut them up into pieces, made their victims eat their own genitals, shot black people dozens or even hundreds of times, posed with and photographed the bodies, and then sent those images around the country as postcards because such acts of racial terrorism helped to cement the bonds of Whiteness across lines of class in the United States.
As has often been seen with genocidal violence, historian Daniel Jonah Goldhagen notes how if the primary goal is just to kill a person with maximum efficiency, then no ceremony is necessary to accomplish said goal. By contrast, "overkill" and the spectacle are important—as we see in The Purge—because the ritual has spiritual elements that feed the collective soul of the attackers. Ultimately, the body of the Other represents a pollutant that must be expelled from the body politic.
In The Purge, Sandin's family is offered a bargain: will they surrender a black body to the white lynch mob where the former will be killed for sport, and as a cathartic sacrifice that heals and brings peace to the (White) American political psyche? Does Sandin's family’s safety matter more than protecting an innocent black man?
As we think through those questions, one cannot forget how The Purge is a product of the sensibilities of post racial America and the Age of Obama.
Consequently, while American history suggests that Ethan Hawke's character would readily sacrifice a black homeless man in order to protect his family, in The Purge the main character chooses to take up arms and fight off a lynch mob in defense of a black man. The White Racial Frame, and the companion lie that is “color blind” post civil rights America, imagines itself as benign: in this fantasy, “good white folks”, more often than not, do the right thing when faced with racism and other types of discrimination.
As the movie concludes, The Purge offers up two transparent moments that exemplify its dualism as a stinging critique of Right-wing ideology while also channeling some of the Tea Party GOP’s anxieties and fears in post racial America.
First, the leader of the white lynch mob is a hybrid preppy, yuppie, country club, preacher, Christian Nationalist evangelical who would find his natural home as president of the College Republicans.
His rhetoric, rage, and channeling of American exceptionalism as reimagined through The Purge is a mix of Right-wing talk points and religious zealotry.
Second, the Sandins' neighbors betray them in the final act of the movie. They are jealous of his financial success: murdering the Sandin family is their act of cathartic violence during the annual Purge event.
Class envy has resulted in violence and chaos. In The Purge (and in contemporary Right-wing American politics more generally) the rich and other elites are "victims" who are to be pitied and empathized with.
While this is of course absurd, it resonates for those addicted to the mix of White identity politics, racial resentment, and identification with the banksters and plutocrats, who form the base of the Tea Party GOP. And of course, guns save us all in The Purge. They empower women, fight off attackers, and help a family return to a normal state of safety and security.
One does not need to have read authors such as Slavoj Zizek, Judith Butler, Stuart Hall, or Naomi Klein to understand and “read” the politics of The Purge. The movie rewards deep viewing and looking beyond the foreground to the subtext, symbolism, story-telling choices made by its creators, as well as the radio and TV broadcasts in the background, that add richness and context to the film's setting.
Movies such as Batman: The Dark Knight Rises, The East, and Now You See Me, demonstrate how the public and the elite classes’ anxieties about the Great Recession and the future of the United States’ economy are being negotiated and resolved on screen. The Purge captures “the spirit of the age” quite well.
It is a work that reflects the neo-liberal national security state, a politics of meanness and cruelty where budgets are balanced on the backs of the poor, and the ways in which certain segments of the American people are marked as disposable human refuse.
Films talk to us, to each other, and as such, reflect a society’s worries, fears, and insecurities. The Purge, while not a perfect film, is wonderfully ambitious in its efforts at being socially relevant and politically provocative.
On those merits, The Purge is a scathing indictment of contemporary American politics, the mass media, and Right-wing politics in the Age of Obama.
These changes were not random, as one might expect if the interviewers were just hurrying to finish up or if the data-entry clerks were making mistakes. The racial classifications changed systematically, in response to what had happened to the respondent since the previous interview.
All else being equal, including how they had been racially classified before, respondents who were unemployed, had children outside of marriage, or lived in the inner city were less likely to be classified as white and more likely to be classified as black. Having been incarcerated, unemployed, divorced, or impoverished each reduced the chances by a percentage point or two that someone who was recorded as white by an interviewer one year would be seen as white again the next year.Race is a way of distinguishing between different types of bodies, and how societies locate them relative to one another.
Some people are naturally understood to be poor and marginalized; other types of bodies and peoples, are through common sense, understood to be dominant, "middle class," or "normal."
As featured in The Boston Review, new research from Aliya Saperstein and Andrew Penner would seem to support how race is a type of cognitive map that people then use to determine their social location relative to others. Apparently, for all of the fictions about "post racial" America, race--and by implication other markers such as gender, class, and ethnicity--are useful heuristics for deciding who has power in the country.
How do we parse out causality in thinking through the finding that white folks who have fallen down the class hierarchy are then perceived to be "black?" Which way do the causal arrows go?
Race is a social construct and a fiction. Yet, it does powerful work in determining life chances and opportunities. Race is a lie, a type of property, protection, and resource that individuals, communities, and to which the State, assigns meaning and value.
Thus, is it that white people who fall down the class and status hierarchy are channeling some type of "blackness" because they associate and have internalized certain behaviors with poverty and diminished life chances?
The Boston Review continues:
The studies we have conducted show that while race shapes our life experiences, our life experiences also shape our race. Race and perceptions of difference are not only a cause of inequality, they also result from inequality. Americans’ racial stereotypes have become self-fulfilling prophecies: the mental images Americans have of criminals and welfare queens, or college grads and suburbanites, can literally affect how we see each other.Or are outside observers drawing conclusions based on how people of color--blacks and Latinos specifically--are more likely to be poor and economically disadvantaged, and then making an error in inference?
Habitus is real. Race and class intersect. People of color are increasingly becoming less hopeful about their futures in the Age of Obama and The Great Recession. White folks are also feeling an even greater sense of diminished hopes, dreams, and possibilities.
What does it mean then that those white folks who have suffered diminished life chances are then perceived to be "black" by researchers? Is this a hopeful possibility for the potential of productive alliances across the color line?
Or alternatively, are these findings about the "blackening" of unemployed white people a powder keg ready to erupt, as the wages of whiteness when handed a check labeled insufficient funds and "black" erupt in defiance and rage?
Writing at Alternet, Salon, and my own site We Are Respectable Negroes, I have argued that George Zimmerman is a murderer, one motivated by racism, an over-identification with Whiteness and White Authority, as well as a fetish for playing cop, to kill a person who was guilty of walking while black in the "wrong" neighborhood.
At present, George Zimmerman's attorneys are trying to defame and discredit Trayvon Martin's character by releasing text messages and photos of him acting in a "criminal" manner.
However, there is little discussion of the following issues which would suggest that Zimmerman has many defects of character and behavior.
George Zimmerman was arrested for domestic violence. He was apparently on mood altering drugs while pursuing an unarmed person against police instructions, and then killing said innocent. George Zimmerman was also accused of committing sexual assault and molesting a family member. George Zimmerman also assaulted police officers.
Thus, some questions.
How do these facts enter into the prosecution's case? Why is the public not hearing more about Zimmerman's character defects? By attacking Martin's character--and on issues that have little if anything to do with Zimmerman's motivations for chasing down and murdering an innocent person--are Zimmerman's attorneys now open to an attack on their client's questionable background?
Black youth are made into adults for purposes of incarceration, harassment, and murder by the State, as well as those overly identified with Whiteness and White Authority. Black adults are infantilized by those who want to argue that we are not worthy of citizenship, are stuck on a "plantation," and seek to disenfranchise us at the polls. This paradox typifies black life during Jim and Jane Crow and through to the post civil rights era.
A one sided attack on Trayvon Martin when George Zimmerman's character and motivations have not been equally scrutinized is a function of that same dynamic.
How Trayvon Martin is guilty as opposed to being presumed innocent, and the burden of proof is on his family and attorneys to prove Martin's right to live when confronted by the murderous machinations of a vigilante killer, are more proof that black life remains cheap in the Age of Obama--and how African-American's lives are (quite literally) in some ways less valuable than they were centuries ago.
Black kids walking home are all black beast rapist giant Negroes in the eyes of people like George Zimmerman and those who support him. "Niggerization" is real. Never forget that fact; do not let your kids, who may happen to be black and brown, forget that fact either.
This is a follow-up to my earlier post on Barack Obama's speech at Morehouse College.
As I wrote there, Obama ought to be quite popular with conservatives given his race-blind approach to public policy. Unfortunately, Obama is a black man, and the political points to be scored through continuing their addiction to the politics of white racial resentment far outweigh the merits of an adherence to traditional conservatism from not too many decades ago.
Obama's speech at Morehouse was a bone to the "colorblind" conservatives of the Reagan era. The Washington Times took this opportunity and summarized Obama's speech at Howard with the following links on their site:
Obama at Morehouse: Black men cannot use racism as a crutch
Obama to black graduates: Don't use racism as an excuse
One would think this would be enough to satisfy their readers. Of course, the maw of the White Right is insatiable. I would think that the site administrators at Right-wing news websites would close down the comment sections whenever Barack Obama is mentioned in a story. Their readers further an obvious narrative of white racism which validates what reasonable folks have always known about the Republican Party in the Age of Obama. Ultimately, this is a bad look. The opinion leaders on the Right remain undeterred.
However, for the contemporary Right-wing in American politics conservatism and racism is one in the same. Instead of running away from this stain, the Right-wing echo chamber embraces it. Product branding is powerful. One does not run from what appeals to loyal customers about the nature of one's product.
Again, I dip my hand into the sewer of the Right-wing media, and its comment sections, so that you do not have to do so. Obama gives the White Right exactly what they want--a speech at the country's leading black college that can be easily read as overly critical of black achievers and strivers--and they cannot resist their most prurient bigotry in response to his gift.
What follows are some choice comments from The Washington Times. This is boilerplate white racism; what is very much a "paint by numbers" operation by Right-wing trolls online. However, given what we know about how racism is over-determining political attitudes in the post civil rights era, these remain instructive examples.
"They" hate Barack Obama. "They" hate you too.
313Kriss
I hope he remembers that it was "white folks" who raised him the next time he gets around Jesse Jackson and Al Sharpton.
Maranyika
Spot on!! The President talked about responsibility the choices we make today shapes our future. Refrain from crack do more readings.
Chris Behme
Later in a private meeting Barack told students to "keep the race card ready, just in case".
ags4ever
"Don't use racism as an excuse" from this president? What a laugh!This president and his defenders use racism at every opportunity to excuse his lack of ability to govern and deflect any criticism leveled at his policies. If obama really wanted to point to people who didn't use racism as an excuse, he would point to Allen West, Herman Cain, Condoleeza Rice, Clarence Thomas, and columnists Thomas Sowell and Walter Williams.
coolercoleman
Clarence Thomas would be ab excellent example to these young men. He has done wonderful things in his life. He has overcome adversities such as poverty, and racism in his early life and then the loss of his ability to speak in latter life.
fnfal308
Obama say, "as an african American, you have to work twice as hard." This is hilarious. I suppose except for the set asides, affirmative action and guaranteed lawsuits if someone looks at you sideways. Not to mention the fact that it is virtually impossible to get fired - no matter how obnoxious you are, or no matter what a lazy fork up you are. Yup, you have to work twice as hard. Obama is a prime example. The boy has never done an honest days work in his life and look at him.
ohmama
Obama tells blacks not to use "racism" as an excuse? Obama counted on the black population to vote him into office and counted heavily on his skin color. Over 95% of blacks voted for Obama because of his skin color. That isn't racism? Racism is a two way street.BTW- That "Nobel Prize" that he received within days of taking the oath of office in 2009? What a joke! And his "heroic" single mother was hardly ever there. His Grandparents raised him in the shadow of his Muslim father that he barely knew from the time he was 10 years old. Notice Obama does't mention successful conservative black men such as Thomas Sowell, Justice Clarence Thomas, Allen West, Herman Cain or Dr. Ben Carson to name a few that actually worked hard on their way up to get where they are at. Barack Obama is a condescending, arrogant, narcissistic, sociopathic, spoiled brat that has relied on his skin color and his grandparents money for his entire life.
Francis
It is horrifying and disgusting to think that we have this kind of trash in the WH. Thank you, Obama, for keeping the pot of racial hatred boiling and intensifying the revenge of blacks against whites. You talk about holding the black man down. Actually, it is you, Obama, who is keeping people down on the government plantation, as you try to get more and more people on foodstamps and welfare checks.
chuckinva
"sometimes I wrote off my own failings as just another example of the world trying to keep a black man down.” Why would a half black man who grew up as a privileged kid make such a statement. Because the he is telling them what resonates with young blacks in our society. Racism isn't dead in America it just jump sides and is now a major tenant of political correctness. "Trying to keep a black man down", we as a country have spent more money to assist the black community to catch up with the rest of society with no better than mixed results. Why would the "Great Uniter" even mention race at this graduation. He needs to keep blacks for seeing the Democrats for what they really are, a detriment to real progress for African-Americans
Barack Obama, the United States' first black president, rarely talks about race or racism. Moreover, he is weak on policy prescriptions or targeted assistance for communities of color (and black folks in particular)--even though they are a key demographic in his electoral coalition.
Obama's election may not have been the Mount Everest of black politics and the Black Freedom Struggle. But, President Obama did to go to Morehouse College, one of the country's leading historically black institutions of higher learning, where he delivered the commencement speech on Sunday.
There he offered up a very conservative brand of life advice for the graduating class, suggestions that pivot on "personal responsibility" and not "excuse-making" for the lived realities of day-to-day and structural discrimination.
As reported by The Washington Post:
Obama said that too many young black men make “bad choices.”
“Growing up, I made quite a few myself,” Obama said. “Sometimes I wrote off my own failings as just another example of the world trying to keep a black man down. I had a tendency to make excuses for me not doing the right thing.”
But, the president implored, “we’ve got no time for excuses.”
“In today’s hyper-connected, hyper-competitive world, with millions of young people from China and India and Brazil, many of whom started with a whole lot less than all of you did, all of them entering the global workforce alongside you, nobody is going to give you anything you haven’t earned,” he said. “Nobody cares how tough your upbringing was. Nobody cares if you suffered some discrimination.”
“Moreover,” Obama continued, “you have to remember that whatever you’ve gone through, it pales in comparison to the hardships previous generations endured — and if they overcame them, you can overcome them, too.”
Republicans and the Tea Party Right should be very pleased by President Obama's suggestions to the Morehouse graduating class. We know they will not be. Why? Because the White Right, as they have been since his election in 2008, cannot evolve past their herrenvolk bigotry and white supremacist habits. They are drugs in the American body politic to which conservatives are uniquely addicted.
President Obama uttered six little words at Morehouse on Sunday, words that will be twisted, lied about, spun, and processed by a pathologically reactionary conservative White Racial Frame. At Morehouse, Obama committed the ultimate move of poor taste in "post racial" colorblind America: he said, "as a black man like you."
Ultimately, President Obama dared to remind the public that he too is a black man in America.
It would seem that to Drudge and The Weekly Standard this is poor taste, a point of controversy, and worth particular emphasis on their respective websites. To point. Drudge has as its lede following Obama's Morehouse address "I am a Black Man" under the President's photo. The Weekly Standard chose to place in bold for emphasis what they see as an impolitic and provocative phrase--"as a black man like you"--in their quoting of Obama's speech at Morehouse.
The President apparently did not learn from the public whipping he suffered by the Right-wing media when he committed a similar misstep in the aftermath of the Trayvon Martin shooting.
Let the complaints and predictable howls begin. The Tea Party GOP and their echo chamber will cry that "if a white president said 'as a white man like you'" that there would be charges of racism. The most dim bloviators on the Right will assert that "historically black colleges" are bastions of "hate" that discriminate against white people.
Never mind the fact that historically black colleges actually offer scholarships and special funding for white students because of a belief in the merits of racial diversity.
Thus, Obama must be a "black racist" who "hates white people" as Right-wing cheerleader Glenn Beck and others have suggested.
Since the election of Barack Obama in 2008, racial attitudes have worsened in the United States. In particular, white racial resentment and anti-black sentiments have hardened and increased among Republicans. This is not Barack Obama's fault.
From his "celebrated" "A More Perfect Union" speech on race in 2008 which signaled Obama's full separation from any sense that Black Americans have a unique set of justice claims that remain unfulfilled and largely ignored in this country, to his two terms in office, where he has supported a set of neoliberal, center-Right policy positions, the president has been largely agnostic on the race question. Instead, Barack Obama has relied on the symbolic power of his presence in the White House to be a stand-in and substitute for any significant progress against the inequalities and injustices which remain along the colorline.
As I suggested on Ring of Fire Radio in the days before the 2012 election, if the White Right hates Barack Obama that much, what do their rank and file think of everyday black and brown folks? What hate and contempt looms in their collective heart, either as overt bigotry under the banner of the Confederacy, the slogan of "we want our country back!" or in subconscious and implicit prejudice and bias?
The United States was designed and intended as a White Republic. Black folks, our presence and humanity, have long been viewed, and written into law, as being incompatible with "American." The citizenship and belonging of Black Americans--and other people of color--is contingent and permanent. It formed the basis against which Whiteness and the imagined fraternity of white men was created during the Founding and through to the middle part of the twentieth century when Jim and Jane Crow was demolished by the Civil Rights Movement.
The inclusion of non-whites as full partners in the American democratic project is still a work in progress. Obama's election represents a symbolic victory in that battle--although not a strategic one. Even such symbolic concessions are too much to accept for those who will follow the white identity politics Pied Pipers in the Right-wing echo chamber who will lead their lemmings in feigned upset and complaint that Obama dared to remind people that he is black (again).
Appeals to white victimology and "black racism" should be obsolete. They lost the Republican Party two elections. Nevertheless, the Southern Strategy and the ghosts of the Confederacy in Red State America and the Tea Party GOP continue to demand their offerings.
Race is a social construction. There is only one race, the human race. But, race has historically been something negotiated by the courts, has legal standing, and has impacted people's life chances across the color line.
As Cheryl Harris and Ian Haney Lopez have detailed, to be "white" is to have a type of property in America. Because "Whiteness" is property it can be inherited, passed down from one person to another as an inheritance, and has value--both symbolic and monetary--under the law, and in the broader society.
European immigrants understood (and continue to understand in the present) the value of Whiteness. In the most stark example, they knew to distance themselves from black folks as a way of become fully "white" and a "real American."
In addition, the United States government helped to create race and reinforce the value of Whiteness when it passed immigration laws that privileged "desirable" races from Europe over those "less desirable" from Africa, Asia, and other parts of the world.
And of course, the racist implementation of the G.I. Bill and FHA Housing Programs after World War 2 helped to create Whiteness again by creating a segregated place called "suburbia," and creating a stark divide in the racial wealth and income gap that is still with us today.
Race works through a type of "common sense" that is based on individual experiences, cultural norms, (misunderstandings of) history, the law, politics, as well as psychological motivations and decision-making that operate on both a conscious and subconscious level. In total, the race business is a type of magic and pseudo-science. This makes it no less real or important.
Whiteness is synonymous with "American" for those who have socialized into what sociologists such as Joe Feagin have termed "the white racial frame." Here, common sense dictates that "those people" look "American" and those "other people" do not.
The United States Supreme Court summed up this logic in the Thind case (1932) where a South Asian man, a former U.S. Army soldier, was denied citizenship because he was not judged to be "white" by the "common sense" standards of the average white person.
Recent experiments in social psychology have demonstrated how test takers identified an image of former British Prime Minister Tony Blair, who is white, as being "American," and an image of Barack Obama, the President of the United States, and a black man, as being a "foreigner."
For the white racial frame Whiteness and "white" people are understood be "normal"; those "other people" are "raced" and are somehow "different."
Because citizenship is about the creation of an "imagined community" some groups and types of people are considered "outsiders."
The color line has racialized this process in the United States: to be white is to be considered de facto part of the country's political community.
History is inconvenient on these matters.
The first great waves of immigrants to the United States were from Africa and not Europe. First Nations peoples were already present in what would later become the United States, when the first white settlers arrived from Europe. The Southwest was already populated when it was claimed under Manifest Destiny after the Mexican American war.
Yet, European immigrants, the majority of who came long after those first arrivals can somehow claim to be more "American?" For race, Whiteness, and white supremacy to cohere with one another necessarily involves those great leaps of faith.
The two suspects in the Boston Bombing (and then manhunt) are white Chechens. While many in the mass public--white conservatives and racial reactionaries especially--will try to suggest they are not really "white" because they are Muslim, Chechens are considered white under the law in the United States, and through the pseudo scientific common sense norms of race.
Tamerlan Tsarnaev and Dzhokar Tsarnaev are also proof that racial profiling does not work as an effective law enforcement measure.
I was not alone in my long-held belief that the next "terrorist" attack on the United States would be conducted by White Europeans. I was also not alone in suggesting that it would be a group of white Chechen women such as the suicide bombers known as "The Black Widows"who would conduct a spectacular attack on the United States or her allies.
Why not? If the State and the public have telegraphed their hand by obsessing over "dark-skinned" Arabs that are a caricature out of a bad 1980's action movie, and the media and conservatives are willfully blind to white domestic terrorists in the United States, the preferred tactical choice is a clear one.
As the legendary comedian Paul Mooney has observed, "Whiteness is the complexion for the protection" in the United States. Whiteness will keep white folks safe. Whiteness, as it has long been for people of color, is also a source of terror and fear. However, Whiteness and white skin privilege are not benign. The Boston Marathon Bombing, and the subsequent manhunt and violence, demonstrates this long-standing history reality once again.
On CNN, a man was interviewed about the Boston Marathon Bombing and manhunt. He told the reporter about one of the suspects that, "I thought he was white you know a regular American."
Tamerlan Tsarnaev and Dzhokar Tsarnaev are "regular" Americans.
Tamerlan Tsarnaev and Dzhokar Tsarnaev are also white.
And Tamerlan Tsarnaev and Dzhokar Tsarnaev decided to kill other "regular Americans" who also happened to be white.



