The War on Drugs is Still a War on Blacks

The recent survey by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention on the sex and drug habits of Americans is the latest to toss an ugly glare on the naked race-tainted war on drugs. The survey found that whites are much more likely to use drugs than blacks.

Other studies have found roughly equal rates of drug usage by blacks and whites. But what makes the survey more eye-catching is that it didn't solely measure generic drug use, but singled out the use of cocaine and street drugs.

The findings fly in the face of the conventional drug war wisdom that blacks use and deal street drugs while whites use trendy, recreational designer drugs, and that these presumably include powder cocaine. That again calls into question the gaping disparity in drug sentencing between whites and blacks.

More than 70 percent of those prosecuted in federal courts for drug possession and sale (mostly small amounts of crack cocaine) and given stiff mandatory sentences are blacks. Federal prosecutors and lawmakers justify the disparity with the retort that crack cocaine is dangerous and threatening, and leads to waves of gang shoot-outs, turf battles, and thousands of terrorized residents in poor black communities. In some instances, that's true, and police and prosecutors are right to hit back hard at the violence.

But the majority of those who deal and use crack cocaine aren't violent prone gang members, but poor, and increasingly female, young blacks. They clearly need help not jailing.

But it's a myth that powder cocaine is benign and has no criminal and violent taint to it. In a comprehensive survey in 2002, the Office of National Drug Control Policy, the White House's low profile task force to combat drug use, attributed shoplifting, burglary, theft, larceny, money laundering and even the transport of undocumented workers in some cities to powdered cocaine use. It also found that powder cocaine users were more likely to commit domestic violence crimes. The report also fingered powder cocaine users as prime dealers of other drugs that included heroin, meth and crack cocaine.

Even more revealing, they sold crack cocaine and heroin in inner city neighborhoods. The top-heavy drug use by young whites -- and the crime and violence that go with it -- has stirred no public outcry for mass arrests, prosecutions, and tough prison sentences for white drug dealers, many of whom deal drugs that are directly linked to serious crime and violence. Whites unlucky enough to get popped for drug possession are treated with compassion, prayer sessions, expensive psychiatric counseling, treatment and rehab programs, and drug diversion programs. And they should be. But so should those blacks and other non-whites victimized by discriminatory drug laws.

Voters and legislators in California, New York, Michigan and other states now recognize that bankrupting state budgets to lock up nonviolent drug offenders won't win the war on drugs. They have opted for drug diversion, treatment and counseling programs rather than jail as the far more effective, humane, and cost effective way to deal with drug users. This has brought some measure of sanity back to drug enforcement policy. But that doesn't sit well with the drug warriors; they have and will continue to resist any effort to get Congress to modify or scrap the blatant and deliberate racial disparity in drug sentencing laws.

In an odd way, they have to take their hard stand. The public scapegoating of blacks for America's drug problem during the past two decades has been relentless. A frank admission that the laws are biased and unfair, and have not done much to combat the drug plague, would be an admission of failure. It could ignite a real soul searching over whether all the billions of dollars that have been squandered in the failed and flawed drug war -- the lives ruined by it, and the families torn apart by the rigid and unequal enforcement of the laws -- has really accomplished anything.