I Have a Palestinian Dream

There is a desperate need for a new Palestinian strategy. What is now being done is clearly not working. More of the same will only produce more suffering, more tension and ever deepening disaster. A reassessment is long overdue.

To begin such an effort, it is important to outline some of the constants that define the parameters of the current situation. The first of these, I believe, is the simple fact that the Sharon government is unwilling to make peace on terms that provide the Palestinians with their basic rights. This Israeli government’s current objectives appear to be: the military defeat of the Palestinians; the dismantling of the Palestinian Authority and the delegitimization of its leadership; and the end of the Oslo process and the imposition of "peace" on Israel’s terms.

Second, it is clear that the Administration will not intervene to restrain Israel’s aggressive behavior. They are not pleased with Israel’s actions and would like to see a negotiated settlement to the conflict on the terms outlined by Secretary Powell. But they will not act in a public or decisive manner to pressure Israel. Therefore, despite the fanciful hopes or the insistence of some Arabs, there will be no U.S.-led Kosovo-style rescue, or Kuwait-style liberation -- nor will there be a U.S.-imposed, or even U.S.-supported peacekeeping or protection force sent into the occupied lands. In fact, there will not even be a U.S.-supported U.N. resolution that calls for the formation of any of the above. Given the absence of any possibility of any outside rescue effort, it is important to look elsewhere.

Third, not only are Palestinians losing on the ground, but they are losing the information battle in the U.S.. There is no organized effort in the United States to publicize the Palestinian point of view. Israel and its well-funded supporters, therefore, have a clear playing field that they use to their advantage. They have succeeded in defining the terms of the current debate and in demonizing the Palestinian Authority, its president, Yasser Arafat, and in portraying themselves as the victims and the Palestinians as the aggressors.

Fourth, there will be no European rescue. The European Union, as well as other international players -- the Russians, Chinese, the non-aligned nations, Organization of the Islamic Conference, etc. -- will express concern and pass an occasional resolution, but they will not act. They have no real leverage -- or more accurately, no interest in using whatever leverage they do have, since they do not wish to force an open confrontation with the United States. Even the Arab states, though deeply distressed and angered at the situation unfolding in Palestine, will not be able to rescue the situation.

Finally, it is important to recognize that the collapse of the peace process and the resumption of violence has hardened Israeli public opinion. As a result, Sharon’s hand has been strengthened and the Labor party has been weakened to the point of collapse.

If the above observations are correct, then none of the previous strategies will work, be it requests for U.N intervention, appeals for international solidarity, or more violence against Israelis (whether soldiers, settlers or innocent civilians) .

I can hear someone in the Arab world complaining right now about the right to "armed struggle against occupation". And it reminds me of a story. In 1979, while I was running the Palestine Human Rights Campaign, I had the pleasure of hosting the late Tawfiq Zayyad, Mayor of Nazareth. During a town meeting, he received a hostile question from a young man who challenged Zayyad’s criticism of PLO-led guerilla attacks from Lebanon. The questioner ended his remarks, reminding the mayor of the "inalienable" right of an occupied people to use armed struggle to resist occupation. Zayyad responded, "It is correct that you have the right to armed struggle. But when you use that right as badly as you have used it, then you forfeit the right and have to find a better way to liberation".