Corporate Frontman Known as 'Dr. Evil' Makes a Fine Living Attacking Charities

Editor's Note: Reprinted by permission of The Humane Society of the United States.

If charity does indeed begin at home, in the case of Richard Berman, it starts in a $3 million, 8,800-square-foot mansion he shares with his second wife in McLean, Va. One of his first decisions in a day of many is whether to drive the Bentley or the Ferrari to work. On this particular spring morning, he goes with the Bentley.

Capable of zero to 60 in 4.4 seconds, the commute to his Washington D.C. office is no doubt enjoyable, even if the car’s 500-plus horsepower is bridled in congestion. He glides into his parking garage in the K Street corridor, gently backs the Bentley into a reserved spot and exits the car, clutching a bundle of newspapers under his arm.

He walks with a quick, determined gait to the elevator that takes him to his office, Berman and Co., a public relations/lobbying firm that consumes the entire eighth floor.  According to one visitor, the bustling office has all the appearances of a political boiler-room operation, a roomful of 25 to 30 young adults fervently attending to their computers and phones.  The walls are covered with ornate, mill-worked wood, and there is a constant stream of visitors.

But this is no ordinary PR operation. This is where white-knuckle lobbying and media buys merge with a handful of public charities Berman has created to spin and cajole public perception on a variety of issues. But for the most part, he attacks and intimidates those with contrary views, and under the banner of the public good serves the agendas of corporate America.

His targets are mostly activist charities that criticize or have conflicting views with big business. Organizations like The Humane Society of the United States, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Mothers Against Drunk Driving, the Center for Science in the Public Interest. He also takes direct aim against labor unions and any politician who lines up on their side.  His strategy: Shoot the messenger.

When it comes to debate over such issues as animal welfare, blood-alcohol levels, minimum wage, union organizing, trans fats, sugar or mercury in fish, Berman is on the attack.  And his advocacy is always in step with his client list.

His Rolodex contains a far-reaching array of big-business interests in the tobacco, alcohol, restaurant and food industries. His political alliances run the gamut, from Newt Gingrich to George McGovern. But his political contributions show he prefers Republicans. His aggressive, shrill media campaigns have earned him the nickname—Dr. Evil.  It’s a moniker he cherishes.  Berman loves a fistfight, and will gladly cross the street to engage. 

“Richard Berman is a professional antagonist, trying to discredit people who are doing good in the world,” said Wayne Pacelle, President and CEO of The Humane Society of the United States “He does not seek sensible discourse; he simply sees HSUS as a pathway for enrichment ... This guy has developed a cottage industry attacking public interest organizations.”

Advocacy is Washington D.C.’s biggest business. And in a city crammed with PR/lobbying firms, charities and think tanks, Berman has emerged as one of its most controversial players, essentially because of the business model he has adopted and refined. It is commonplace for lawyers, lobbyists and PR types to labor on behalf of their clients’ bottom line, but real money, Berman has discovered, can come from charity.

It works like this:

Berman identifies issues that threaten the profit margins of the food and beverage industries—many of them clients—and establishes a tax-exempt public charity to raise money. In most cases, he appoints himself as executive director and appoints a board, often with ties to the food and beverage industries.  The charity established, he raises millions of dollars each year and then hires himself and his for-profit PR firm to do research, run ad campaigns and start websites.  His annual management fees run in the millions.