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ForeignPolicy

Can Iraq's Parliament Fight Back?

By Maya Schenwar, TruthOut.org. Posted April 18, 2008.


Maliki concedes that a treaty with the U.S. must be ratified.
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A surprise announcement by Iraq's Cabinet on Monday opened up the possibility that resistance to a prolonged US occupation may come from a much-ignored source: the Iraqi Parliament.

Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki's administration, moving into the third round of negotiations with the Bush administration over a "status of forces agreement" (SOFA) to establish a long-term US military and economic presence in Iraq, declared that the agreement must be approved by Parliament before it becomes law. Previously, Maliki had maintained that Parliamentary ratification was unnecessary.

Submitting the document to Parliament may not only hold up the process of getting it signed and sealed - it could also change the terms that govern the US presence in Iraq for years to come.

Since Maliki and President Bush released a "Declaration of Principles" in November spelling out their vision of postwar US-Iraqi relations, they've been immersed in closed-door deliberations on the specifics. During a long string of Congressional hearings, including last week's testimony from Gen. David Petraeus and Ambassador Ryan Crocker, the Bush administration has reiterated that it does not plan to consult Congress before signing a SOFA. (It has indicated that it may do so for the other prong of its long-term agreement with Iraq - a nonbinding "strategic framework agreement" governing economic and political ties - but has made no commitment on that front.) Meanwhile, both countries' legislative branches have been vocally challenging their administrations on what they say is a broad overstepping of the bounds of executive power.

On the US side, that resistance has taken the shape of a series of House Foreign Affairs Committee hearings, investigating the constitutionality of an executive-only bilateral agreement that looks, for all intents and purposes, like a treaty - which is supposed to be ratified by two-thirds of the Senate. By calling it an "agreement" instead, the administration skirts that requirement.

On the Iraqi side, Parliamentarians have an even more solid case: the Iraqi Constitution requires legislative ratification of any international agreement.

If the Maliki administration does as it says and submits the SOFA to Parliament, it's sure to meet with roadblocks, according to Catherine Lutz, author of "The Bases of Empire: The Global Struggle against U.S. Military Posts."

"Opinion within the Parliament is much less US-friendly than in the executive branch," Lutz told Truthout. "Parliament could add amendments and changes to the agreement."

Considering the starkness of the divide between the Maliki administration, which favors a substantial US presence, and the Parliament, which overwhelmingly supports withdrawal, amendments may not cut it. If the draft submitted to Parliament looks anything like previous ones, it will simply die on the floor, according to Raed Jarrar, Iraq consultant for the American Friends Service Committee.

"The Iraqi Parliament won't pass any agreement without a clear timetable for withdrawal," Jarrar told Truthout, adding that the Maliki administration has openly stated it would like to retain US troops in Iraq for ten years. "I don't think there's a way to reconcile the two sides."

The probability of easy passage may prove especially slim since, on paper, the agreement looks like a lose-lose situation for the Iraqi people, according to Yale Law professor Oona Hathaway, who has testified at House Foreign Affairs Committee hearings on the subject. The latest versions of the SOFA, pieced together from fragments revealed in hearing testimony, would grant the US the "authority to fight" in Iraq - but they wouldn't promise Iraq protection from foreign enemies, as earlier drafts did.

Dropping the "protection" clause functions as an ostensible concession to the SOFA's US critics, who argued that any pact promising a defense partnership must be dealt with as a treaty and ratified by the Senate. Yet it leaves Iraqis with few reassurances: American troops would not only remain, with few restrictions on their purposes and goals, but they wouldn't be required to come to Iraq's aid in a crisis.


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Maya Schenwar is an assistant editor and reporter for Truthout.



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Production Sharing Agreements, you mean?
Posted by: BlueBerry PickN on Apr 18, 2008 2:40 PM   
Current rating: Not yet rated    [1 = poor; 5 = excellent]
the ONLY thing the US cares about for a 'standing up' of the Iraqi peoples is their SIGNATURES on documents that give away their national resources.

they want the resources & they want unobstructed transit with shipping & pipelines.

There is NO OTHER CRITERIA.

they're using the Iraqis as a CAUTIONARY TALE to inspire international compliance... before the US runs out of military money... or the loans by which they subsidize their occupations.

Don't kid yourselves

Afghanistan & Iraq weren't the *first nations* who experienced this...
. the REST of the World knows, so why to Americans fail to recognize it?

Mainstream Media... corporatized MainStream Media.

Those parliamentarians are in a terrifying position: they are expected to protect the Iraqi Future... but they're being protected... by their Occupiers.

...imagine their joy.


The Hand-Over That Wasn't: Illegal Orders give the US a Lock on Iraq's Economy

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can be found @
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Historical deja vu...
Posted by: thoughtcriminal on Apr 18, 2008 3:43 PM   
Current rating: Not yet rated    [1 = poor; 5 = excellent]
The same thing happened when the British set up their oil protectorate in Iraq (then Mesopotamia) - their "spoils of victory" from World War I (which actually began in Iraq, and really began over Iraqi oil - the Germans wanted in, and the British refused, and then war broke out..

Robert Fisk, 17 June 2004, 1917 Iraq

. . .the British, once they were installed in Baghdad, decided in the winter of 1917 that Iraq would have to be governed and reconstructed by a "council" formed partly of British advisers "and partly of representative non-official members from among the inhabitants". The copycat 2003 version of this "council" was, of course, the Interim Governing Council, supposedly the brainchild of Maude's American successor, Paul Bremer.

Later, the British thought they would like "a cabinet half of natives and half of British officials, behind which might be an administrative council, or some advisory body consisting entirely of prominent natives". . .

But, by September 1919, even journalists were beginning to grasp that Britain's plans for Iraq were founded upon illusions. . .

Within six months, Britain was fighting a military insurrection in Iraq and David Lloyd George, the prime minister, was facing calls for a military withdrawal. "Is it not for the benefit of the people of that country that it should be governed so as to enable them to develop this land which has been withered and shrivelled up by oppression? What would happen if we withdrew?" Lloyd George would not abandon Iraq to "anarchy and confusion"

By this stage, British officials in Baghdad were blaming the violence on "local political agitation, originated outside Iraq", suggesting that Syria might be involved.

Come again? Could history repeat itself so perfectly?


There is equivalent resistance today, even if not discussed in the press:

UPDATE 1-No deal on Kurdish contracts-Iraq oil min official

Bush & Cheney & Rice & Petraeus want the oil contracts, Chevron and Exxon and ConocoPhillips and BP and Shell and Halliburton want the oil contracts, but the government is realizing that if it signs such contracts it will have a real revolt. They, along with the U.S. corporate press, are desperately trying to ignore the basic facts:

"Most Iraqis favor continued control by a national company and the powerful oil workers union strongly opposes de-nationalization. Iraq's political future is very much in flux, but oil remains the central feature of the political landscape."

Bush's goal (and I imagine Hillary Clinton's as well) is still to gain control of that "critical strategic asset".

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